Paul Goble
Staunton,
September 10 – Aleksey Navalny and his organization, despite his detention and
that of his key staffers in advance of September 9, achieved a major success
yesterday with the appearance in the streets of Russian cities of massive crowds
protesting against the Kremlin’s pension reform plan, Aleksandr Skobov
says.
That
conclusion is justified, the Moscow commentator argues, “because in Russia
today, politics is so structured that if you can’t bring into the streets
several thousand people under the clubs of the Russian Guard, you simply aren’t
in Russian politics at all” (graniru.org/opinion/skobov/m.272724.html).
According to Skobov, “the single
real measure in Russian politics are the batons of the Russian Guard along with
the judges and election commissions controlled by the powers that be. But these
are only adjuncts to the same batons of the Russian Guard.”
“Therefore,” he says, “elections do
not mean anything in Russia. Law does not mean anything. Only the club of the Russian
Guard has significance. It is the core of Russian politics. Only it is a
political force.” And only those who are able to get Russians to go out into
the streets and put themselves at risk of these batons are involved in real
politics.
Only those who do so, Skobov
insists, “can become a political force.” That is because when “all politics in
a country is based on force, only those who have the club or those who are
capable of not being intimidated by it” are genuine political forces. “There is
thus no other opposition in Russia besides the Navalny movement.”
“Not a democratic one or a liberal
one. There are some individuals” who have democratic and liberal views and who
know how to speak “beautiful words. But these words are significant only when
there are people who are prepared to go out and face those who have clubs on
the basis of those words.”
Skobov continues: “The Navalny
people do not promise ‘communism on the horizon’ and do not mention threatening
‘red lines.’ They lead people out against the clubs directly here and now” even
when the numbers are still too small to overthrow the power of the frauds, thieves
and murderers now in office. They alone help Russians break out of their stultifying
passivity.
And that in turn is why “the authorities
throw such forces to trample underfoot the Navalny movement, to force it to humbly
submit and subordinate itself to the fraudulent rules” of the regime. In this way, the powers are confirming that
they are confronted by a power, still weaker than itself but growing in
influence and might.
As Skobov notes, “a political
struggle is a clash of political wills. The strength of the opposition in an
authoritarian state … consists of the willingness of its participants to go out
and demonstrate again and again in spite of bans, beatings, and arrests.” And
its strength grows to the extent it repeats this process even though the beatings
and arrests increase.
The Putin regime has enough “political
will to beat and arrest many more people than it did on September 9” when it
arrested more than a thousand and beat even more than that. “It has the political will to use tear gas
and water cannons. But it doesn’t have the political will to shoot at a
peaceful mass demonstration. Because ‘they’ are cowards.”
The Putin poers that be “can shoot
only in the back and they shot Boris Nemtsov. They can shoot only in a building
entrance as they shot Anna Politkovskaya. But they will not shoot at a peaceful
mass demonstration. At that, their political will ends. Consequently, it is
necessary that in this situation, the political will of the opposition turns
out to be stronger.”
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