Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 23 – On election
day two weeks ago, Konstantin Gaaze says, “the largest coalition of support for
the existing authorities since 1991, the so-called ‘Crimean consensus,’ has
disappeared,” ending “four years of ‘the golden age’ of Russian
authoritarianism” and thus forcing the Kremlin to take new measures to maintain
its power.
As a result, the Moscow commentator
says, the regime will be launching in the coming months an attack “not on those
on the right side of the political spectrum but against the new left headed by [Aleksey]
Navalny” and including young people in the two capitals (carnegie.ru/commentary/77231
reposted at newizv.ru/article/general/16-09-2018/konstantin-gaaze-kreml-gotovit-osennee-nastuplenie-na-pyatuyu-kolonnu).
Such people, Gaaze continues, “are
the ideal victim of a major campaign against the enemies of Russia” and the recent
case involving the Novoye Velichiye
group thus represents a testing of the waters by the FSB for the organization
of similar but larger and more numerous operations of that kind in the near
future.
Attacking such groups is the logical
consequence of the system Putin had created and that he now must modify in
order to survive, the commentator continues. “In 2014, Putin finally was able
to construction that mythical Putinism that was simultaneously ‘national’ and ‘global,’
‘socialist’ and ‘capitalist.’”
“Hands’ on management and informal
deals of the government with business … did not eliminate social inequality as
such but allowed its softening in each specific case by targeted interference,”
Gaaze says. As a result, while the standard of living didn’t rise, both
businessmen and the population remained in the Kremlin’s corner.
“Friends of the president were
transformed from middle-ranking entrepreneurs to people fulfilling the most
important geopolitical tasks, and oligarchs saved during the crisis received
helped but were lowered in rank. Ministers and deputy prime ministers … became
their ‘senior comrades as they were customarily called in the Soviet Komsomol,”
while “oligarchs became ordinary deputy ministers and deputy ministers ordinary
oligarchs.”
According to Gaaze, in this
arrangement, Putin himself played the role of a professional mediator: all business,
all the elite, and all those whom Putin promised to share with ‘simple people’
became his subordinates.” But that
created a problem which has now surfaced and called these arrangements into
question.
“Nikos Poulantzas, one of the most
important Marxist theoreticians of the second half of the 20th
century,” according to the Moscow commentator, “asserted that the chief
conflict within dictatorial regimes is that between the comprador (globally
oriented) and national (locally oriented) bourgeoisie.”
This conflict, Poulantzas argued, “in
the end destroys dictatorships.” What
has happened in Russia, Gaaze suggests, is that by 2016, “a comprador
bourgeoisie did not remain,” with capitalists focusing on the West fleeing
abroad. But at the same time, “there isn’t a national bourgeoisie” because it
isn’t a bourgeoisie in the classical sense – it is part of the state.
As a result, the Kremlin combined
within itself all these various forces and occasionally offered some sop or
other to the population. But that means, especially when the oil money ran out,
that “any protest against even ‘liberal’ initiatives [has become] a protest
against the powers that be,” Gaaze continues.
Faced with growing popular
unhappiness with government policies that benefit businesses and the regime at
the expense of everyone else, Putin is being forced to use repression “against
the enemies of Russia,” the notorious “’fifth column.’” And he is “preparing to
play this card it appears this fall precisely against the left rather than the
right.
That will shore up the regime’s
power with the elites, but it will create a situation in which ever more
repression is likely to be necessary to keep the population in line. And that
in turn will create problems for development that at present the Putin regime
does not appear to have any solutions for.
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