Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 11 – In what may
be an act of personal revenge or simply an observation of how finely balanced
everything is in the North Caucasus, Ramazan Abdulatipov who headed Daghestan
until September 2017 says that his departure led to the destabilization of the
Caucasus in general and the conflict over the Chechen-Ingush border in
particular.
“I do not exaggerate my role in
Russia and in the Caucasus,” the former republic head said, “but I ask you to
focus attention on the fact that all this turbulence arose after my departure.
When a more or less major figure is removed, turbulence arises in any system” (rbc.ru/politics/11/12/2018/5c0a900c9a7947d8929dd273).
On a day when the situation in
Ingushetia and Chechnya has been relatively quiet, a first for many weeks, the
editors of Kavkaz-Uzel have taken
this opportunity to present in summary form the arguments for and against the
September 26 deal between Ingushetia’s
Yunus-Bek Yevkurov and Chechnya’s Ramzan Kadyrov (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/328973/).
The editors note that most of the
coverage of this crisis has been about developments in Ingushetia, a pattern that
has led to an imbalance in reporting about the Chechen position about the
border accord relative to the Ingush one. By this article, they say, Kazkaz-Uzel is seeking to redress any
imbalance.
The arguments of the Chechen side
are that no border existed between the two republics after the Chechen-Ingush
ASSR ceased to exist. They had to be created by the September 26 agreement by
the two heads of the republics. And all the disputed territories had belonged to
Chechnya in the past according to the 1934 Soviet map and the 1993 accord
between Ruslan Aushev and Dzhokhar Dudayev.
No further referendum is needed.
There is near unanimous support
among Chechens for this position and hence for the decision of the Russian
Constitutional Court. Significantly, even the anti-Kadyrov opposition in emigration
takes this position although it has been quiet about it not wanting to give the
incumbent Chechen head any show of support.
Unlike the Chechens, the Ingush are divided.
Ingush officials accept the Chechen arguments, but some republic deputies, religious
leaders and the opposition do not. And their views were confirmed by the
republic’s Constitutional Court, whose decision the Russian court then
overturned.
Those against the September 26 border
agreement argue that any demarcation must follow the borders of 1921-22,
borders that remained in place until 1928, when they say, Moscow decided to
move to “liquidate Ingushetia.” And they
insist that any agreement must as the republic constitution specifies be
subject to a referendum.
And the Ingush opponents believe
that the Chechen moves against Ingushetia are intended to set the stage not
only for the loss of territory, oil fields and grave yards but also for taking
sovereignty away from the republic. As a
result, they have no intention of ending their protests and efforts to reverse
the decisions taken so far.
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