Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 26 – It is still
a long way to the collapse of the Putin regime, Russian commentator Dmitry
Oreshkin writes in Yezhednevny zhurnal,
but the process toward that end is in train, “more slowly than the opponents of
Putin would like but more rapidly than its supporters can be happy with.”
This can be seen in how the powers
that be handled the demonstrations on the occasion of the assassination of
Boris Nemtsov. In cities far from the capital, they did not give permission for
such meetings, and people did not challenge those decisions but did with
one-person protests show how they felt (ej.ru/?a=note&id=33477).
In Moscow and St. Petersburg where
there is “a more independent socio-cultural milieu,” the authorities avoided
the potentially serious consequences of a harsh crackdown by seeking to
restrict the demonstrators in various ways to discourage people from taking
part but not by dispersing those that did with arrests, Oreshkin
continues.
Here it is important to understand “one
thing: civil society come from the word ‘citizen,’ but ‘citizen’ comes from the
word ‘city.’ The same thing is true in many other languages. The basis here is the
presence of private property and the legal basis for its defense,” the
commentator observes.
“But after the pseudo-slave-holding
Soviet society, the Russian Federation passed to a pseudo-feudal one where
people like Ramzan Kadyrov rule and call themselves ‘the new nobility.’ In
comparison with the USSR, this is of course progress but it is still a long way
to the level of bourgeois freedoms” which exist in Europe.
Moscow and St. Petersburg have made the
most progress in that direction. “In
these cities, if you go to a meeting and lose your job, you will be able to
find another.” Elsewhere in Russia, you likely won’t – and that represents an
even more powerful constraint than other punishments.
In the long-term perspective, Oreshkin
continues, “everything is proceeding along the European path. ‘Feudalism’ is
showing its economic ineffectiveness and cities are adopting a liberal politics
… But one must not expect rapid changes. In the 1990s, there were such changes;
now, people are tired, disappointed and want the stability they have acquired.”
Now that stability is beginning to
dissolve, “but the process is only beginning.” The authorities understand that.
They know they remain in firm control in the smaller cities, but in the
capitals, they can only isolate the leaders of protests, some permanently like
Nemtsov, others on a temporary basis like Aleksey Navalny.
But conditions are developing in
such a way that “people are becoming disappointed in the powers that be,
including even Vladimir Putin. Sooner or
later this will lead to a crisis and to some kind of revolution, possibly even
in our lifetimes.” For now, “legal
political protest is concentrated in the two largest cities” and will remain so
for a long time to come.
The authorities understand this, but
the opposition doesn’t. Its members “sincerely believe that in the provinces,
society is just the same as it is in Moscow.
But even if people individually really are the same, the milieu is
different, and people prepared to fight for their rights there are more the
exception than the rule.”
Unfortunately, Oreshkin continues, “Moscow
analysists live in their own milieu and underrate the inert quality of ‘greater
Russia.’ And all talk about how the bloody regime will fall apart right now are
based on a mistaken idea about Russia.” They
forget that Russia is not like Moscow, and Moscow is not like Russia.
The Russian commentator does note
the fact that foreign analysts and diplomats typically make the same mistake
Moscow opposition figures do, extrapolating from the only Russians they do
know, the ones, often English-speaking, in the capital to those in “the
provinces” they don’t – and thus drawing conclusions and making predictions
that aren’t likely to be true.
Such people typically would not make
the same mistake in their own countries conflating Washington, D.C., with West
Virginia or Burgundy with Paris; but because most foreigners who visit Russia
remain in the capitals, just as the authorities want them to, they typically do
so in Russia, setting themselves up for the same mistakes Russian opposition
figures make.
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