Paul Goble
Staunton,
February 22 – Many people, including the author of these lines, have argued
that since 1991 Russia has been close to being a failed state and that Moscow’s
policies in large measure reflect an effort to overcome that danger. (See my “Russia as a Failed
State,” Baltic Defense College
2(2004): 76-83 at bdcol.ee/files/docs/bdreview/bdr-2004-12-sec3-art3.pdf.)
But now Russian financier Sergey
Romanchuk says that there is no such thing as an institutionalized state in
Russia at all. Unlike in a state, the
president of ACI Russia says, there is no center where information is gathered,
decisions made, and then those decisions enforced consistently across the
country (blog.newsru.com/article/22feb2019/gosudarstvo).
The
financial leader’s comments come in response to the confused and even
counterproductive Russian treatment of Michael Calvey,the American banker who
heads Baring Vostok, behavior that suggests there is no controlling center, and
to the conclusion that this is the case by Moscow political analyst Aleksandr
Morozov.
Morozov
observes that most specialists on Russian politics long ago concluded that
Putin has no policy planning staff (facebook.com/amoro59/posts/10213591450925080).
That is certainly true, Romanchuk says; but he adds that Morozov doesn’t go far
enough: Putin doesn’t have a state at least in the normal sense.
Instead
around the Kremlin leader is a congeries of people constrained by no
institutions and acting often on their own or on understandings of what they
think Putin wants. Sometimes they are right; sometimes not; but there is
absolutely no controlling set of institutions to ensure consistency. Such
institutions are called a state, and the Russian land doesn’t have one.
These
Russians insist that they are a state, and foreigners who come from countries
which have governments and state institutions are inclined to accept that claim
because they find it difficult to imagine a situation in which no set of
institutions is controlling of decisions and outcomes, both men say.
On
the one hand, their arguments may strike many as a playing with definitions. There
area many kinds of states, and there is no reason to assume that all states
must operate in the same way. But on the
other, what Romanchuk and Morozov are saying is critically important: Russia
has a governing circle but it doesn’t have state institutions.
In
the name of erecting a power vertical, Putin has undermined or even completely
destroyed the state institutions however weak that existed in Russia before he
came to office. Now, there is a situation with Putin and his favorites acting
without constraints – and that certainly suggests that the judgment Russia does
not have a state is not farfetched.
At
the very least, it should alert others who deal with Putin and
his team that they are not dealing with a state like any other modern one but
rather with an archaic kind of mafia rule in which all the arrangements and
rules of modern states have been thrown aside in the name of elevating him to
supreme power.
But
this understanding should also alert these same people to something else:
Because Putin and his mafia have no state institutions to rely on, when they do
collapse as they certainly will, their collapse will be far more radical and dangerous
precisely because there are no institutions to soften the blow.
That
is the danger Russians and the world now face: it is one they should begin to
think about how best they can respond.
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