Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 19 – Nikolay Patrushev,
the secretary of the Russian Security Council who apparently has decided to
serve as the chief ideologist of the Putin regime, says in his latest article
that Russia is unique because of its spirituality, something other nations do
not have and that leaves them all fundamentally alike, Abbas Gallyamov says.
This view, the former Putin
speechwriter and current commentator says, reflects Patrushev’s fundamental
ignorance about the world. Despite that, however, his views may be instructive about
why various national leaders have said the same thing and what happened to them
when they did (echo.msk.ru/blog/gallyamov_a/2662811-echo/).
Just how similar Patrushev’s ideas
about Russia are to ideas others have about their nations can easily be seen if
one replaces in his article the word “Russia” with the word “Africa.” If one does that, Patrushev’s words are
almost identical to those written more than half a century ago by Leopold
Senghor, the first president of Senegal and an advocate of Négritude.
Négritude, Gallyamov says, is “the
conviction that the true center of morality in the world is hardly Russia but
Black Africa.” Like Patrushev and others
who speak of Russia’s unique spiritual standing of Russia, Senghor and his
allies opposed Africa to the rationalism and individualism of Europeans.”
In an entirely natural way, just
like Russian advocates of an analogous view of their country, “the Africans
were very proud of their distinctiveness from the rest of humanity. ‘Pride in
one’s race,’ Senghor wrote, ‘is the first demand of Négritude.”
Wole Soyinka, a Nigerian writer and Nobelist,
such expressions of pride reflect not strength but weakness and reflects the
way in which those who make them are on the defensive. Galllyamov says that is very
true: “Instead of simply living and creating, the ideology of ‘national pride’
forces the nation that adopts it to eternally trying to prove something to
others.”
Having drawn attention to this parallel
between now official Russian discourse and Négritude, the commentator
continues, he has come to the conclusion that the powers that be in Russia “really
have something to learn from their African colleagues” whose attachment to that
idea did not end well.
In 1964, Kwame Nkrumah, the once popular
president of Ghana, in response to his declining ratings which were brought
about by corruption, economic decline and foreign policy adventures, decided to
tighten the screws and amend the country’s constitution by “a specially
organized referendum.”
Given his control of the situation in his
country, Nkrumah received the vote he wanted: 96.5 percent of the voters took
part; and 99.91 percent voted in favor of his amendments. Unfortunately, for him, a year and a half
later, he was overthrown by a military coup which “rapidly grew into mass
street celebrations.”
Nkrumah spent the remainder of his life in
neighboring Guinea expecting to be called back, but no such appeal ever came.
Joking aside, Gallyamov says, “all those
ideals which the supporters of Négritude and Russian propagandists are trying
to set themselves up against Europe,” even though both were “part of European
heritage.” But even more, Europeans like Rousseau and the German romantics had
already shown the way with their criticisms of Enlightenment rationalism 200
years earlier.
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