Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 13 – Vladimir Putin’s
decision to raise the pension age, his failure to provide more support for the
population during the pandemic, and his inaction during the worst days of the
coronavirus plague cost him support in the July 1 vote among three groups – the
elderly, the military, and oil and gas workers – that have been his base,
Aleksandr Kynyev says.
Until the last few years, Putin
could count on the influence of television on these groups even as younger and
more urban voters turned to the Internet to view the world as he wanted them to
see it and support his policies. Indeed, his policies reflected the preferences
they had or he created, the Moscow analyst says (newtimes.ru/articles/detail/195987?fcc).
And when his support among these
three groups eroded, he responded until the recent vote by seeking to drive
down participation or at least not working to expand it. But once he committed
himself to boosting participation, the only way to get the positive result he
wanted was massive falsification, Kynyev continues.
With his pension reform, Putin lost the
support of many of the elderly. With his failure to provide more assistance to
the pandemic, he lost still more as well as among those in the hard-hit petroleum
industry. And with his retreat to the bunker and inactivity, he ceased to
project the image of a strong leader and thus lost support in the military.
This latest vote also showed, the
analyst says, that administrative measures to get out the vote didn’t work in
Putin’s favor the way they had because of these shifts in opinion. He repeats
the Znak analysis of no votes in closed cities (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2020/07/russias-closed-cities-less-supportive.html).
And
Kynyev extends the conclusions of that analysis by examining voting in and
around Russian military bases, including one in Syria where more than 50
percent of the military personnel taking part voted against the Putin
amendments (udf.by/news/world/215145-putin-terjaet-podderzhku-armii.html).
Putin
also lost ground among workers in the oil and gas industry because of the
collapse of that sector. There, the political analyst suggests, Putin’s staying
in the bunker may have cost him much of the support he had because it made him
look weak in the eyes of those who counted on having a “strong” leader.
As
a result of this erosion in support among his base, Putin has little choice but
to return to the policy of suppressing turnout and falsifying the results, tactics
sufficiently visible for all to see that they are likely to cost him even more
support and force him to rely not only on ballot box stuffing but unadorned
force to get his way.
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