Staunton,
January 24 – A major problem in both the USSR and the Russian Federation has
been the shortage of cash, the result of government policies which keep the
monetarization of the economy “five to ten times less than in developed
economies,” a situation that reached its apogee in the years immediately after
the collapse of the Soviet Union.
One
consequence of that decline in the 1990s when the rate of monetarization of the
economy fell to 15 percent, the Tolkovatel blog points out today was the
appearance of self-minted currency in 750 republics and cities of the Russian
Federation as well as at about 25,000 enterprises (ttolk.ru/?p=9273).
In a
detailed post richly illustrated with pictures of some of these notes and coins, the blog
explains that the appearance of such currencies, which took the place of the
lack of state-sanctioned cash, had its roots in Soviet times and was
exacerbated by the specific conditions of Boris Yeltsin’s rule.
After
the 1917 revolution, many regions and enterprises issued “surrogate banknotes”
until these were forbidden by 1935 in the RSFSR and in some Central Asian
republics in 1941, the blog portal reports. But after that time, Soviet leaders
wanted to keep the monetarization of the economy low “because there was not a
sufficient level of consumer goods and services.”
Indeed,
Tolkovatel points out, “whenever the quantity of money in the economy exceeded
a certain level, it was necessary to extract it from the population” by means
of “monetary reforms” like those which took place in 1947 and 1991,
confiscations which made Soviet citizens suspicious of their own state
currency.
But even
in Soviet times, “this rule had an exception: special currencies were printed
for special people,” prisoners at the bottom and the party-economic elite at
the other. Except for Weimar Germany in
the 1920s, there are virtually no examples of a developed country “which had
the parallel circulation at one and the same time of several types of legal
money.”
During perestroika,
“the highest monetarization of the economy” in the history of the country occurred,
the blog says. By 1991, monetarization
had reached “73 percent of GDP, one of the highest measures in the world for
that time and even greater than was the case then in the United States.”
This Gorbachev experiment was a failure, the blog
suggests, because of the absence of consumer goods and stock markets meant that
population had nowhere to spend its cash, and as a result, “the economy and
after it the USSR were destroyed.” Consequently, the Russian government carried
out the older policy of keeping the population poor “for the sake of security.”
While the system was in crisis, at the time of “the peak
of monetarization,” the first special currencies appeared But in this case, the primary cause was not
economics but “the separatism of the regions and also the attemps of
enterprises in the general deficit to create their own small internal market ‘for
their own.’”
But the number of such currencies rose dramatically after
Prime Minister Yegor Gaydar in early 1992 signed a special circular officially
authorizing such currencies.
Immediately, there appeared the currencies of Tatarstan, Nizhny Novgorod
oblast, Khakasia, the Urals Republic and “hundreds of cities and districts,”
ultimately involving 750 territories and 25,000 firms.
And that trend was exacerbated by the precipitous decline
of the monetarization of the Russian economy from 70 percent in 1990 to between
9.8 and 17 percent of GDP between 1992 and 1997. Barter filled some of this
gap, but surrogate currencies played an important role as well, especially to
pay workers or to make political points, to avoid paying taxes, and to serve,
along with foreign currency holdings, as a hedge against rumored monetary
reforms.
Tatarstan’s currency which first appeared in 1990 is
perhaps the best known, Tolkovatel suggests, but there were some equally
intriguing efforts. Kaliningrad Governor Leonid Gorbenko launched the “Kaliningrad
mark,” and Volgograd, which had ordered its currency printed in Italy,
circulated what became known as “liras” because the firm had printed the bills
in Italian.
There were also special currencies for refugees from
Chechnya, the blog continues They were printed by the Committee to Assist Those
Suffering from Armed Conflicts in the North Caucasus and were supposed to
circulate “’only on the territory of resettlement points and temporary camps.’”
Such currencies began to disappear under Yevgeny Primakov’s
premiership, but some, including that of Tatarstan, lasted until 2008. Under
Vladimir Putin, the monetarization of the country rose to 40 percent before the
economic crisis, a figure comparable with many African countries, Tolkovatel
says, but far less than during perestroika.
The blog concludes that no one should think that the era
of such currencies in the Russian Federation is now over forever. If the price of oil should fall to 50-60 US
dollars a barrel, such “surrogate” currencies would likely reappear, Tolkovatel
says, providing employment for “several thousand designers and contemporary
artists of the so-called ‘creative class.’”
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