Paul Goble
Staunton,
January 2 – The Russian Federation will not survive if Vladimir Putin is able
to return to the presidency through falsified elections, and Russia’s Muslims --
and especially the leaders of the country’s Muslim republics -- have a moral
responsibility to struggle with the evil he and his system represent, according
to a leading Kazan analyst.
In the
current issue of the Tatarstan weekly, “Zvezda Povolzhya,” Zulfiya Kadir argues
that if Russia has Putin as its president again, then the country has “no future”
because it will fall ever further behind the continuations of a modern
interconnected world and find itself “degraded”
into a “Stalinist” past.
Demonstrations
by Russia’s population in December against Putin and his system, Kadir writes,
were “an SOS” to the international community which “for a long time already has
had enough with Munich speeches [like the ones Putin has delivered and which that
community believe show that Soviet leader Nikita] Khrushchev who banged his
show at the UN was a more adequate” man.
Moreover,
she continues, these world leaders are furious at Putin for his use of gas and
oil as political weapons, for his attempts at “the restoration of the socialist
camp,” and for his “small victorious wars in Georgia’s regions.” These leaders “do not behave that way in the
era of globalization,” and they do not accept Putin’s doing so either.
“If
[citizens of the Russian Federation] do not want that [their country] again to
be declared ‘the evil empire,’ and if [they] don’t want a new wave of knights who
‘will struggle with this evil’ and declare a crusade against this bastion of
totalitarianism,” Kadir argues, then they “must not allow Putin to come to
power again.”
In her
essay, the Kazan political scientist casts her argument in moral terms. She says that “the struggle with evil must be
the main slogan of the next elections,” especially among Muslim citizens and
the leaders of Muslim republics who portray themselves as fervent believers and
supporters of the faith.
This
obligation lies especially on the people and leadership of Tatarstan, she
continues. In the last presidential
poll, the Kazan leadership forced the Tatars to give 77.8 percent of their
votes to Putin’s system, an outcome showed the Tatars were “a peasantry without
freedom who lacked the freedom of choice.”
That
vote, of course, was “a shame for Tatarstan,” Kadir suggests. In order to overcome this mistake, the Tatars
need to deliver “99 percent” of their vote “AGAINST” Putin and what he
represents, even though they can be sure that their votes will be “falsified”
by officials who are only interested in keeping their jobs.
But
Kadir says that the burden for overcoming the deference of the past lies even
more heavily on the leaders of the Muslim republics. Noting that the Ingush have appealed the
results of the latest parliamentary election to a shariat court, she warns that
Muslim leaders abroad may issue a fetwa against Muslim republic leaders who
seek to block the will of the people.
If such
a Muslim legal ruling is issued, Kadir points out, they will find themselves “on
the list of the damned.” Their prayers will be “blocked,” their names won’t be
recalled in common prayers, they will be prohibited from travelling to Mecca,
and they will be designated as munafiq,” that is as “hypocrites.”
These
are only “the softest measures” that might be visited on Muslim republic
leaders, she warns. Consequently, the
leaders of Tatarstan and other Muslim republics are going to be forced to make “a
choice,” are they Muslims as they like to pretend or are they in fact “United
Russia cosmopolitans.”
The
Kazan political scientist says she not want to believe that the Tatar people or
the Tatar leaders will make the wrong choice in the upcoming elections, a
choice that would involve approving “evil.”
That is because the Tatars were “one of the first peoples to declare
their freedom and independence in the 1990s” and will not tolerate “a return to
totalitarianism.”
Kadir’s
article is significant for three reasons.
First, it underscores the increasing tendency of opponents of Putin to
cast their struggle in moral rather than simply political terms. Second, it
suggests the increasingly precarious positions Muslim republic leaders find
themselves in.
And
third, it highlights a reality that Putin and his supporters have sought to
deny: His return to the Kremlin would not maintain stability as he and they
claim but rather would almost certainly spark a new wave of nationalism across
the country and possibly reignite drives for republic sovereignty or even
independence.
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