Paul Goble
Staunton,
January 10 – The recent release of nationality data from the 2010 Russian
Federation census is prompting the members of ever more groups to reflect on
the situation they now find themselves in and to ask what they should do to
improve their lot and in some cases to ensure the survival of their people.
A leader
of the small Finno-Ugric Mari nation is the latest to do so. Yury Yerofeyev, head
of Moscow’s Mari community, pointedly asks whether the situation today proves
that Mikhail Kandaratsky was write a century ago when he wrote that “sad is the
past of the Cheremis [Mari} people, said is its present and still sadder is its
future” (finugor.ru/node/22596).
Yerofeyev
says that the new census results mean that one cannot but agree with the Kazan
professor.given what has happened to the Mari, a group oppressed by tsarist
autocracy and one which “for centuries has had imposed on its consciousness
submissiveness and a sense of being a second class people and kept from the
administration of its own fate.”
Between the 2002 and 2010 Russian censuses, the Mari
people declined in number by 57,000 people, “falling back to the level they
were at in 1965.” “And in comparison with the demographic boom which came
during the last years of Soviet power, the Maris became almost 100,000 (15
percent) fewer than they were in 1989.”
“What is this?” Yerofeyev asks: “Payment for ‘the
happiness of living in a capitalist paradise’ or the beginning point of the
disappearance of the Cheremis ethnos?” Like other Maris, he wants to know how
this happened, “was it by the mortality of people, assimilation with other
peoples, the mass exodus of Maris to find work … or a criminally distorted
census?”
The last factor undoubtedly has played a role, he
suggests, especially because Moscow has an interest in “concealing the true
indicators connected with the decline of the share of the ethnic Russian ethnos”
and fears that any reports about which could undermine “social stability”
especially in the run-up to the Duma and presidential elections.
“It is clear to all,” given the rising tide of popular
distrust for the powers that be, he writes, “that the delays with the release
of summary data of the census” were the result of political calculations. Thus,
“in this sense, the census of 2010 had not so much a social-economic goal” as
such enumerations are supposed to have “as a political one.”
In order to correct the situation, Yerofeyev continues, an
Internet site should appear “in the nearest future the entire set of statistics
about the sizes of each region where there are registered members of our
community” and that this should be done by Mari activists rather than Russian
officials.
That need in turn raises the issue of the reliability of
the Mari social organization Mary Mer Kanash, a group that remains unregistered
and whose leaders have sought “to
privatize” the Mari people into their own hands by “deceptive means,” as well
as Moscow-imposed officials like the current head of Mari El.
What is needed now is the convention of a genuine popular
assembly of Maris from all across the Russian Federation, a group that
“undoubtedly will be interested in the level of representation of Maris and other
residents populating Mari El in the organs of the federal legislative branch,
including the State Duma and the Federation Council.”
United Russia and its officials in Mari El, Yerofeyev
says, have eliminated all representation of the Mari nation in these
assemblies, something that “never was in the case in Soviet times or even in
the years of Yeltsin’s rule” and something that leaves the nation feeling
something less than complete.”
“Such a short-sighted, hypocritical policy of recent
times serves as a reminder after a century about the past rightless position of
the Mari people,” the Moscow community leader writes. “The time has come,” he
says,” to say “‘No’ to all who at the federal and regional levels allow
themselves to irresponsibly declare Maris” who speak up “’nationalists.’”
And there are some hopeful signs that the Maris, despite
their diminished numbers, are beginning to wake up to their possible fate and
take political action. Only 52 percent of them voted for United Russia in the
Duma elections, “a real indicator of the declining level of trust of residents
of the republic and above all of the urban population to local bureaucrats.”
This trend, Yerofeyev concludes, “will continue in the
March 4 vote for president” in large part because “circumstances in the country
are such that the main opponent to the criminal powers that be already are not
the proletariat of the Marxist era but business which is in an objective
contradiction with the existing system of ineffective economics and bureaucracy.”
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