Staunton,
January 24 – Daghestan should not be part of the North Caucasus Federal
District, a structure which “by its nature has not and cannot resolve the
problems of the regions” but rather become part of a new federal district which
would also include adjoining Russian regions on the northern shores of the
Caspian, according to a Makhachkala scholar.
Abdul-Nasir
Dibirov, the rector of the Daghestan Institute of Economics and Politics, told
the Regnum news agency that the North Caucasus Federal District “was created
not so much as an organic part of the power vertical but as a kind of buffer in
advance of in advance of the 2014 Olympic Games” (www.regnum.ru/news/polit/1491219.html).
Specifically, Dibirov added, that district represented
an attempt “to isolate the problematic North Caucasus republics from Krasnodar
kray. But Moscow made a mistake by including Daghestan within the districts
borders because that republic “is not only a North Caucasus region but above
all a Caspian littoral one.”
Indeed,
“Daghestan’s future to an ever greater degree was connected not with the North
Caucasus but with the Caspian,” all the more so, Dibirov said, because “with
the conversion of the Caspian into an international sea,” the republic’s “geopolitical
situation” and “economic possibilities” will be fundamentally changed.
According
to the Makhachkala analyst, “it would be more organic to establish not a North
Caucasus Federal District but a Caspian Federal District which would include
Daghestan, Kalmykia, Astrakhan oblast and Volgograd oblast,” an arrangement in
which “the industrial potential of the northern regions would be combined with
the agricultural potential of the south.”
In any
case, Daghestan must “break away” from the problems of the North Caucasus,
Dibirov insisted.
Asked by
Regnum whether Moscow’s ideas of creating a resort cluster in the North
Caucasus will “solve the systemic problems” of that reason, the Makhachkala
scholar said that “such a project “hardly will be realized in the conditions of
an undeclared civil war,” a place where counter-terrorist operations are
frequently declared.
Instead, Dibirov continued, “one must begin
with the development of what already exists.” Roads need to be constructed so
that private enterprise will develop rural areas and so that rural people will
be able to remain in their villages among people of their own ethnicity and
culture but travel to urban regions for employment.
Dibirov
said that in his opinion, “the elimination of federal districts is hardly
likely to occur.” Gubernatorial elections “will return,” he continued, “but not
because the powers have any particular love for democracy but rather as the
result of pressure from society.” Indeed, these elections will make Moscow even
more interested in preserving the federal districts.
What
everyone needs to understand about the North Caucasus, the Makhachkala scholar
argued, is that “in essence” it “has departed from the legal field of Russia.
Here laws operate only selectively and are viewed” by the population as simply
covers “for the corrupted powers that be” who are “closely connected with the
criminal world.”
The Russian state does not yet have a well-developed policy
for the North Caucasus, Dibirov said, adding that “the impression has been
created” that Moscow wants to use threats from there to justify its approach to
rule, all the more so if Russian leaders want to use nationalism as a source of
legitimacy.
“Today,” Dibirov argued, “we see a power which at one
stage attempted to eploid liberalism, at a second stage conservatism, and now
ever more is shifting to nationalism, attempting to ride Russian ethnic nationalism.
This is a very dangerous policy,” the Makhachkala scholar said, but that is how
things look from Daghestan.
He rejected the suggestion that Moscow had created the
North Caucasus Federal District not because of the Olympics but on the basis of
“historical experience,” Debirov says that the Soviet-era North Caucasus kray
with a capital in Pyatigorsk is generally considered a failure, a view he said
he shares.
Indeed, even in Soviet times, “the leadership of
Daghestan at all times struggled in order to excape from this kray and to
subordinate itself directly to Moscow.” Once again, that is taking place
because “the future of Daghestan is tied to the Caspian” more than to the
troubled republics of the North Caucasus.
While Dibirov is only one voice, his remarks are
important for at least three reasons: First, as he suggested, Moscow is more
likely to retain the federal districts if it gives way on the election of
governors. Second, his remarks are a reminder that the borders of these districts
are likely to be the subject of disputes between Moscow and individual federal
subjects.
And third, Dibirov’s comments underscore that the
policies of Vladimir Putin in the North Caucasus have succeeded only in
creating the simulacrum of control, one that may make for good propaganda but
does not solve the problems the region faces or makes it the stable backdrop
for the Sochi Olympics that Putin and his supporters argue will be the case.
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