Staunton,
January 6 – One Russian resident in every 25 did not declare membership in one
or another nationality during the course of the 2010 census, an unprecedented
figure that reflects both the declining importance of such identifications
among many and the desire of some migrants not to call attention to their
ethnic background.
According
to an analysis of the census reports published on the Islamrf.ru site, the
share of residents who did not declare membership in one nationality was four
percent of the total or 5.6 million people, up from 1 percent or 1.5 million in
2002. Moreover, 4.1 million did not indicate their citizenship (www.islamrf.ru/news/analytics/politics/19710/).
Although
the website suggested that more research was needed on this group, but it is
appears that at least in part it includes “migrants, who have obtained Russian
citizenship and who are trying not to advertise their ethnic groups.” As such,
it may be nothing more than one “variant” of a path to assimilation.
This is
only one of the findings, the website said, that the detailed results of the
census suggest for the non-Russian portion of the population living in the
Middle Volga, in the republics of the North Caucasus, and in other parts of the
Russian Federation as well.
In the
Middle Volga, the two largest Turkic Muslim nations, the Tatars and the
Bashkirs, continued to decline in overall numbers, but the census provided
other details which may ultimately prove more significant both for the current
relations between these groups and the Russians and for the evolution of these
Idel-Ural nations in the future.
The
number of Tatars fell from 5.55 million in 2002 to 5.31 million in 2010, the
first such intercensal decline of this nationality in the history of tsarist,
Soviet and post-Soviet censuses. More immediately significant, the number of
Tatars within the Republic of Tatarstan ceased to grow as rapidly as it had,
although their percentage in the population rose slightly.
This
reflects, IslamRF.ru suggested, that “the return of Tatars” from other parts of
the former Soviet space had declined, that fertility rates have fallen, and
that the assimilation of younger people raised in mixed marriages to the
Russian nationality, especially in industrial centers, has continued to
increase.
The
Bashirs saw their numbers decline slightly, from 1.221 million to 1.172 million
between the last two censuses, but they maintained their lead over the Tatrs,
who increased only very slightly, and Ufa’s recent statements suggests that
there is little likelihood that the Tatar language and Tatar identity will make
inroads anytime soon.
According
to IslamRF.ru, the explanation for the failure of the two larger Turkic
nationalities in that region to grow or grow more quickly lies in the refusal
of officials in Kazan and Ufa to support Jadidist traditions and hence provide
a bulwark against the expansion of Russian cultural influence in the growing
urban areas.
In the
North Caucasus, the indigenous nationalities showed a continuing tendency to
grow, although at slightly different rates, and that may affect the
ethno-political balance in multi-ethnic republics like Daghestan. But however
that may be, “the North Caucasus Federal District has been becoming ever more
non-Russian.”
Elsewhere
in the Russian Federation, the census showed that earlier trends for the assimilation
of Slavic groups like the Ukrainians and small indigenous ethnic communities
continued. But within that pattern, there were some important changes that
activists and scholars are beginning to point out.
In a
comment to Kavkaz-Uzel.ru today, Eldar Idrisov, head of the youth center of the
Nogay Cultural Center in Astrakhan, noted that the number of Nogays there had
more than doubled between 2002 and 2010, from 3019 to 7589, a reflection he
said of increasing ethnic self-identification rather than migration or higher
fertility rates alone.
Earlier,
in tsarist and Soviet times, the Turkic Nogays were subject to intense
Tatarization, but since 1991, they have been able to focus on their own
specific ethnic identity as a result of groups like Idrisov’s and the
appearance of Nogay-language radio and television (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/198834/).
That
growth in ethnic self-awareness among the Nogays, of whom there are more than
103,000 now in the Russian Federation, could affect the greater North Caucasus,
changing the ethnic balance and possibly leading to new calls, heard at a
meeting in the Nogay district of Daghestan in June 2011 for the formation of a
single Nogay Republic.
Such a
republic would have to be carved out of numerous non-Russian republics as well
as predominantly ethnic Russian oblasts and krays. And even if such plans are never realized,
they will certainly trigger new ethno-territorial disputes in a region that
remains the most unstable in the country.
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