Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 4 – A new debate
has broken out in Moscow over the extent to which Siberia with its enormous
natural resources is a curse that is keeping Russia from modernizing its
economy and political system – or, to put it in the baldest terms, whether or
not holding on to Siberia is in fact holding Russia back.
Over the past decade, there have
been many discussions in the Moscow media about whether Russia is suffering
from “the Dutch disease” that Western social scientists have applied to many
countries where the export of natural resources has led to a decline in the
manufacturing sector and other ills.
But what makes the discussion in
Moscow this week interesting is that instead of a broad discussion about the applicability
of this term to Russia, two writers have staked out positions as to whether it
could best be addressed by allowing Siberia, what one of the authors describes
as “an enormous raw materials colony,” to go its own way.
In “Vedomosti” yesterday, Mikhail
Zelyov, a doctoral candidate at Moscow State University, argues that “the modernization
of Russia has been blocked” by the presence within it of Siberia, a source of
enormous natural wealth that Moscow has been exploiting like “a colony” (vedomosti.ru/opinion/news/15879501/proklyate-sibiri).
Most people in
Russia, he argues, are inclined to blame Russia’s de-industrialization and
failure to make the democratic transition on “the ineffectiveness of the
political regime, the lack of political will and a clear vision of the goals of development,
and the lack of interest in the political elite in changing the current
situation.”
As a result, “the hopes of the
progressive part of society are connected with the change of the political
regime” which this portion of society believes will happen as a result of “a
new fall in world prices for energy and raw materials.” “No one supposes,” Zelyov says, that “the
modernization of Russia is in principle impossible.”
But in fact, this is exactly the
case, the “Vedomosti” writer argues, as long as Russia holds on to Siberia, an
enormous raw materials colony” and a major contributor to “the Dutch disease” that
the Russian Federation is suffering from.
As the last years of Soviet power
and the first years of Russian statehood showed, even with low oil prices, the
country’s political elite preferred to become rentiers on the basis of raw materials exports rather
than the leaders of a re-modernization of the country and the development of
high technology.
During all that time and even when
oil and gas prices rose again, supplies of raw materials from Siberia and their
sale abroad have supported a deeply conservative elite that isn’t interested in
initiating development because such development could threaten it wealth and
power.
As a result, Russia
de-industrialized and its social structure changed, with groups that are
essential to modernization declining or even facing extinction and with the
rise of a “powerful conservative coalition, more or less beneficially
parasitizing on natural rents and not interested in any modernization.”
Given that social structure, there
is little hope that a modernizing government will ever come to power, even if
oil prices fall back as they appear to be doing, Zelyov says. Moreover, he continues, there is no “rational
basis” for hopes that there will be a change in the country’s social order that
will lead to the institutionalization of democracy.
Such conclusions, the writer
continues, are suggested by the sad fate of most countries that depend
primarily on the export of raw materials, and the few exceptions, including
Canada, Indonesia, and South Africa, are situated very differently than Russia,
something that few are willing to take seriously.
“For Russia,” Zelyov argues, “the ‘resource
curse’ takes the concrete form of ‘the Siberian curse.’ As long as Siberia belong to it, the
successful modernization of Russia is impossible in principle.”
As Zelyov himself acknowledges, he
is not the first to link the modernization and democratization of Russia to the
independence of Siberia. In 1992, A.
Treyvish and V. Shuper argued that “if beyond the Urals began an ocean, then
Russia would long ago have become a full member of the community of civilized
countries” (spkurdyumov.narod.ru/Shuper51.htm).
Given the breadth and radicalism of
Zelyov’s argument, it is not surprising that it has already provoked attacks
and is certain to generate even more in the coming days. The very first as offered by Aleksandr
Romanov late yesterday (km.ru/v-rossii/2013/09/03/modernizatsiya-ekonomiki-rossii-i-innovatsii/719805-modernizatsii-rossii-okazyva).
Dismissing
Zelyov as an unknown and his argument as neither “new” or complete, he says
that its superficial attractiveness fades on examination. Russian society is
not nearly as simple as Zelyov suggests and thus the prospects for change and
modernization are greater than the Moscow State University student allows and
do not require Siberian independence.
Moreover,
Romanov says, drawing analogies with other countries is meaningless because
each country is different, Russia certainly so.
But he does appear to agree with Zelyov on two points. On the one hand, he says, a decline in the
price of oil will not help the situation or force anyone to look for new ways
of development.
And on the other, Romanov says,
Russia isn’t headed toward democracy, not because it controls Siberia as Zelyov
imagines, but rather because Russia has had anything but a happy experience in
dealing with democracy. However, if Siberia “did not exist,” that would not
necessarily change.
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