Staunton, June 11 – The attempt by
Varvara Karaulova, a Russian who became a Muslim and sought to join ISIS, has
sparked a new wave of hysteria about Islam in the Russian media, with
speculations about the number of ethnic Russian Muslims, the prospects for a
Muslim majority in the Russian population, and the possibility of a mosque within
the Kremlin walls.
Most of these reports are so over
the top that they fall of their own weight. (For a discussion with examples,
see onkavkaz.com/news/54-russkii-islam-razryvaet-rossiyu.html
and ej.ru/?a=note&id=27872.) But the
most thoughtful discussion of them and their meaning is provided by Naima
Neflyasheva, an ethnographer who specializes on the North Caucasus.
Noting that most of these articles
simply recycle myths that have been circulating in Russia since the 1990s
concerning “the aggressive nature of Islam and the hijab as the mark of a
terrorist, Neflyasheva argues that they nonetheless raise two issues which
should be subjected to careful analysis (kavkaz-uzel.ru/blogs/1927/posts/21624).
These are the issues of the
radicalization of ethnic Russian Muslims and the gender aspect of radical
Islamic movements. The first has long attracted attention given the activities
of Said the Buryat, Pavel Kosolapov, Mariya Pogorelova, and Vitaly Razdobdko,
but the issue must not be oversimplified or overdramatized.
On the one hand, she says, the shift
of individuals from one faith to another is the norm when people travel or come
into contact with those of a different religion. “Buddhists become Muslims,
Catholics Orthodox, and somewhere neo-paganism even appears. Such are the
realities of the contemporary world.”
“Today,” Neflyasheva continues, “if
there were gathered and published statistics about the shift of Muslims of the
North Caucasus into the Jehovah’s Witnesses, they would, I assure you,” she
writes, “be shocking.”
And on the other, far from all
converts do not become radicals. “There
are many examples when ethnic Russians, having accepted Islam do not become so:
they integrate into the umma, form strong families, work, are involved in
scholarship and some have even become public figures.” Why she asks plaintively “is there nothing
about these examples in our media.”
Indeed, Neflyasheva says, she
intuitively feels that the much-discussed Karaulova had no intention of joining
the radicals but was rather looking for a husband. “It seems to me,” the ethnographer continues,
that the source of all this is a love story” obscured by “a charismatic Muslim
man.”
There are, of course, real tragedies
involved in such cases, she says. “Today
already dozens of girls from the republics of the eastern Caucasus secretly
flee to Syria or ISIS to take part in jihad.” Their cases are seldom reported
largely because the closed societies of the region do not choose to talk about
them to outsiders.
Such women, Neflyasheva continues,
are not driven to this step by poverty or the influence of mullahs in rural
areas. Instead, “these are girls from good families; some of them even are
daughters of senior regional officials, have good grades, are graduates of
prestigious universities, and participants in various student projects.”
“What, how and how are they
motivated to join the ranks of the radicals?”
Something is lacking in their lives, but what that might be is often
obscure. What it is is “the question of questions,” she says, “not only for
present-day anti-extremist policies and practices in the North Caucasus but
also for every family. It concerns us all.”
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