Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 10 – Most Russians
have associate democracy with the problems of the 1990s, but this is not the
only reason why so many of them are prepared not only to accept Vladimir Putin’s
authoritarian order but to try to “associate themselves as close as possible
with the authorities,” according to Kseniya Kirillova.
In an essay posted on Radio Liberty’s
portal yesterday, she writes that there are three other even more important
reasons why this is so and concludes that until the economic situation of the
majority of Russians becomes unbearable, it will continue to be so well into
the future (svoboda.org/content/article/27150090.html).
The first of these, KiriInsllova
suggests, is that a system of arrangements allowing the individual to be “relatively
independent from the state” has not emerged in Russia. “Even in the relatively
free 1990s, there did not arise real inviolability of private property,
independent courts [or] a culture of respect for the individual.”
Instead, and in marked contrast to
conditions in Western democracies, Russians remained as they had been under
communism at risk of arbitrary and unpredictable actions by the authorities. “Even
the most ‘patriotic’ Russia in the depths of his soul understands that in his
country anything can happen to anyone.”
Under those conditions, she writes, “the
only possibility (although even that is not a guarantee) to avoid this is
loyalty to the state.” The average Russia simply “does not see any other means
of defense of himself.”
The second reason for this
acceptance and support of authoritarianism, Kirillova argues, is that when a
Russian encounters corruption, “it is practically impossible for him to defend
his interests by ordinary legal means. But if he engages in active protest,
then he will automatically find himself in the ranks of ‘enemies and traitors.’”
Thus, the Russian authorities “do
not leave people chances for compromise.” Instead, the Russian citizen is faced
with the choice: “’all or nothing.’ Either you must unqualified accept everything
that the authorities do … or you will automatically become an enemy and a
traitor” with all the negative consequences of that.
And the third factor, Kirillova
suggests, is this: “Russian propaganda already for several years has actively
insists that any dissatisfaction with the authorities will end in bloodshed.”
By promoting and then exploiting this fear, Putin has linked “the guarantee of
stability to his person.” Thu
As a result, many Russians accept
the following train of thought: “Putin is the only chance to preserve the
normal existence of the country in extreme conditions,” with the notion that the
country is in them being created by “militarized propaganda … about foreign
enemies. Thus, for many, “Putin is the only one who can save the country.”
“The creation of the illusion of ‘a besieged
fortress’” also has the effect of underscoring the conviction of ordinary Russians
that they have no ability “to influence major events;” and thus, “the only way
to maintain an internal emotion tie with Russia, many see in support of the
course being carried out by the authorities.”
As a consequence, Kirillova concludes,
“as long as economic problems do not become truly catastrophic, the majority of
Russians will to the last hold on to the appearance of state defense and
propaganda surrogates and this means that they will continue to show their
loyalty to those in power.”
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