Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 26 – Moscow propagandists
have long insisted that Ukrainians became hostile to Russia as a result of what
they say was the Western-organized Maidan, but sociological research clearly
shows that it was not the Maidan but rather subsequent Russian aggression that
caused Ukrainians to change their attitude toward Russia and Russians.
Ukrainians now view Russians as an
enemy rather than as a fraternal people, a dramatic shift that was highlighted
this week by President Petro Poroshenko’s remarks on Ukrainian Independence Day
and that has been documented by Ukrainian sociologists and other scholars in
recent studies and polls.
Ukrainian political analyst Yevgeny
Magda sums up these changes in the following way: “Russian-Ukrainian relations
have changed forever,” he says, and “the formula, ‘we will no longer be
brothers’ is appropriate: There is thus no reason to speak about the
restoration of good-neighborly relations in the foreseeable future” (news.online.ua/751100/chestno-o-shansah-na-pobedu-shest-glavnyh-slov-o-voyne-ukrainy-za-nezavisimost/).
Russia’s aggression against Ukraine
has transformed the situation, Magda continues, “and it is important for
Ukraine to show to the rest of the world that in fact it was a colony of Russia
and not a republic equal to the RSFSR in the former Soviet Union,” as Russian
propagandists regularly insist.
But as insightful as these
observations are, it is important to have more objective measures of just how and
perhaps especially when Ukrainian attitudes toward Russia and Russians have
changed. That is now possible because of the rapidly maturing polling sector in
Ukraine.
The QHA news agency summarizes the
reports of Ukrainian sociologists that were presented at a meeting last week organized
by the Kucheriv Democratic Initiative Foundation at the Institute of Sociology
of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences (qha.com.ua/ru/politika/kak-priklad-ekspansii-rf-razbil-vitraj-ukrainskih-simpatii/164678/;
for the complete report of their findings (in Ukrainian), see dif.org.ua/ua/publications/press-relizy/do-dnja-nezalezhno.htm).
The
sociologists reported that the latest surveys show that 60 percent of those
questioned said that they were proud to be Ukrainians. Only 16 percent said
they were not. Those figures are far higher than in the 1990s, and the situation
began to change at the time first of the Orange Revolution and then at that of
the Maidan.
The
highest figure in this regard – 67 percent – was reached in 2015. It has fallen
off somewhat as Ukrainians recognize that the situation they find themselves in
is likely to last a long time and be filled with uncertainties, the
sociologists say. They also stress that it is significant that 22 percent of
those surveyed identify more with a city or village than with the country, but only
seven percent with a region more than with Ukraine as a whole.
Yevgeny
Golovakha, the deputy director of the Kyiv Institute of Sociology, said at the
meeting that Ukrainians today feel hope and only then concern and that now “hope
is even more the predominant feeling than was the case in the relati8vely
stable and well-off period of the beginning of 2013.”
In
that year, 32 percent of Ukrainians said they were hopeful about their country;
now 44 percent do. He also noted that ever fewer Ukrainians are interested in
any integration with Russia: “Fewer than 20 percent of the respondents” favor
that now, and “up to 57 percent” say they are opposed to some kind of
hypothetical “’Slavic union’” of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia.
Irina
Bekeshkin, head of the Democratic Initiative Foundation pointed out that this
is a reversal of the situation in 1998 when 60 percent of Ukrainians favored
such an arrangement. In her view, QHA says, “the decisive role in this shift
was played not by the Dignity Revolution but by the aggression of Russia.”
She
added that ever more Ukrainians look to integrate with Western institutions
like the EU and NATO. A majority now expect their country to be in the EU 20
years from now. And the number of those
favoring NATO membership now equals the number opposed, a radical shift even
from as recently as 2006.
Ukrainian
sociology and polling have suffered from the problems of youth, QHA says, but
they are not alone in that. Some of the most distinguished Russian polling
agencies also do things that sociologists elsewhere would reject as problematic
or worse.
The
article gives the example of a recent Levada Center poll which found that 58
percent of Russians are now hostile to Ukraine and only 31 percent are positive
as an example of such problems (levada.ru/2016/08/22/vospriyatie-ssha-ukrainy-i-zhitelej-etih-gosudastv/)
because the Moscow pollsters asked about Russian attitudes toward Ukraine while
also asking about their attitudes toward the US and the EU.
Given that Kremlin outlets insist
that “in the Donbass, Russia is fighting not so much with Ukraine as with the entire
Western world,” asking the question about Russian attitudes toward Ukraine and
Ukrainians is a kind of “manipulation,” something Ukrainian pollsters would be
criticized for even if Russian ones aren’t.
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