Paul Goble
Staunton, Nov. 25 –In the past,
Moscow’s nationality policy has always been about how the center treats the
non-Russian living in that country rather than about how it treats the ethnic
Russian majority. But now, Vladimir Putin has changed that, putting ethnic
Russians at the center of nationality policy and demanding that the
non-Russians defer to them.
Even when Moscow pursued intensive
Russianization and Russification campaigns, the official doctrine about ethnic
issues focused on the non-Russians rather on the ethnic Russians; and so Putin’s
doctrinal change is likely to represent a sea change in Moscow’s approach to what
are historically called “nationality” issues, pleasing Russians and frightening
non-Russians.
This week, Putin signed a new
nationality doctrine paper setting out his plans for the next decade (publication.pravo.gov.ru/document/0001202511250024).
The 41-page document replaces the current doctrinal paper that was issued in
2012 and has been updated twice since that time. The provisions of the new paper
will go into effect on January 1.
Among the key provisions of the new
strategy document are the following:
·
The
share of the population identifying as non-ethnic Russians is to rise to “more
than 95 percent” by 2036.
·
This
identity is to reflect “the common cultural code based on the preservation and
development of ethnic Russian culture and the Russian language.”
·
The
realization of the strategy is intended to “reduce the number of conflicts on
an ethno-national basis” and unite all the country’s peoples around the ethnic
Russian nation.
·
Moscow
will devote a minimum of 50 percent of its spending on the survival and
development of nations to efforts intended to help the ethnic Russian nation.
·
The
Russian government will develop new programs to counter Russophobic propaganda
among non-Russians emanating from hostile forces abroad, but it recognizes that
the primary source of non-Russian challenges to Moscow come from domestic
non-Russian elites and populations.
·
Moscow
will also increase its efforts to reverse the formation of ethnic enclaves in
Russian cities that have arisen as a result of immigration.
·
And
it will work to integrate the newly acquired regions of the Russian Federation
in the Donbass and Crimea on the basis of Russian values and seek to unify the
Russian emigration to help Russia at home.
Not
surprisingly, Russian commentators are celebrating these changes, with one
suggesting they will prevent any repetition of the collapse of 1991 (vz.ru/news/2025/11/26/1376668.html)
and another saying that finally the Kremlin has put an end to “the non-Russian
Russia” that the Soviets imposed on the country (vz.ru/opinions/2025/11/26/1376788.html).
Undoubtedly many non-Russians are unhappy
with this major shift in Moscow’s thinking, a change that goes far beyond what
Putin has sought before, including making reference to ethnic Russians as the “state-forming
nation,” something that he did not seek in the end during the last revisions of
the constitution.
What these changes will mean, both in terms
of specific policies and institutions, very much remains to be seen; but it is
likely that it will intensify debates about a variety of issues – and very well
may exacerbate ethnic tensions with ethnic Russians confident they will be
supported and non-Russians fearing they are about to be subject to greater
repression.