Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 4 – Russians did not
hate those who became rich in the 1990s because they had the sense that they too
could achieve the same, and they do not hate the rich and powerful today who
gained such status by their own efforts, Znak commentator Yekaterina Vinokurova
says.
But Russians today are increasingly
angry about those whose wealth or power reflects not their own efforts but
rather those who have been given these things out of line as it were, and the object
of that anger are the children of the elite who are seeking to ensure their
offspring remain on top (znak.com/2017-06-02/ekaterina_vinokurova_o_nacionalnoy_idei_dlya_rossii_xxi_veka).
Those
in the Russian upper reaches who are trying to arrange such outcomes for their
children have seriously “underestimated the degree of hatred” their actions are
causing perhaps because this hatred is directed not toward them but “toward
their own children,” Vinokurova continues.
And
the current elite does not see that “a significant portion of the population”
of Russia and particularly its younger generation is not ready to sit still for
a situation in which “elite children inherit the posts of their parents.”
Instead,
what is emerging as “the real national idea for Russia in the 21st
century is the notion of social lifts, of the idea that to a certain degree corresponds
to the American dream: He who was nothing can become everything,” the Znak
commentator says.
An
important part of this is that most Russians don’t care if the children of the
elite simply live off the wealth their parents have acquired: that is what they
would do for their own children. What they cannot and Vinokurov suggests will
not tolerate is one in which the children simply assume the positions their
parents have won for themselves.
The
Moscow commentator cites a comment by the character Frank Underwood in the US
television series that Americans want “’a congressman from nowhere.’” Russians share this desire. They want to see
a Russia in which “Bryansk school children will have a chance to become Duma
deputies and heads of state corporations.”
“The
current popularity of young video bloggers who earn good money from ads by the
way is also explained precisely by this demand for social lifts,” Vinokurova
says. “The Internet is almost the law
remaining space in Russia which has not yet been taken over by the golden
youth.”
And
that is also “one of the secrets of Aleksey Navalny’s attractiveness” because
he has shown in the organization of his movement that those who join his cause
at the bottom have a good chance to rise to the top and thus pass from unknowns
to members of the opposition leader’s inner circle.
“In
this regard,” Vinokurova continues, “Vladimir Putin is turning out to be
completely uncompetitive. He has a stable and rapidly aging close circle which
now is thrashing about without knowing what else it should give to its own
children” so that they can be the rulers of the future.
That
puts the Putin elite at odds with the desires of the Russian people, the
commentator says. For Russians, the desired “model of the future” remains “a
Bryansk pupil who becomes the prime minister of the head of a state
corporation. Our only national idea is social lifts both horizontal with the
chance for someone from Moscow to work in Yekaterinburg and the reverse and
also vertical.”
“This
isn’t bolshevism,” she concludes. Rather, “it is salvation from it. Perhaps the
only one.”
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