Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 21 – Even Crimean
residents who initially welcomed the Russian Anschluss are now disappointed with
the occupation and angry at Russians for their behavior, and the Russians
there, long-time residents new arrivals and tourists, are reciprocating with
anger at the local population, according to Yevgeniya Goryunova, a Crimean
political scientist.
She points to five socio-economic
conditions behind this deterioration between Crimean residents and Russians and
devotes particular attention to the way in which Russian tourists, the only
ones who now come to the Ukrainian peninsula, have exacerbated the situation by
their behavior (ru.krymr.com/a/28630119.html).
First of all, Goryunova points to
the increasing difficulty indigenous Crimeans have in making ends meet. On the
one hand, they find it difficult to get well-paying jobs unless they have
connections and typically lose out to Russians. And on the other, the Russians
who are paid more have driven up the rental prices beyond what most Crimeans
can afford.
Second, she continues, Russian
bosses prefer to hire people other than Crimeans because the latter are more
knowledgeable about their rights than are Central Asian gastarbeiters and complain
when those rights are violated.
Consequently, the Crimeans are in a double bind because most new Russian
employers would rather hire others.
Third, the occupation authorities
have done almost everything in their power to destroy indigenous business and
agriculture, preferring to import from Russia all kinds of goods. Now, instead
of getting milk from a Crimean firm that was driven into bankruptcy, Crimean
children are getting milk, often adulterated, from the Russian Federation.
Indeed, Goryunova says, “the Russian
authorities are conducting an intention policy of destroying Crimean business,
including small business by removing not only competitors but also the first
flowering of a middle class which in Russia for centuries has been viewed as
consisting of ‘superfluous people.’”
Fourth, Crimeans face discrimination
when they try to register their children for kindergartens or schools. Russians
who have arrived with the occupation are given preferential treatment, and
Crimeans are left out. That is drawing increasing and increasingly negative
comment, the political scientist says.
And fifth, when their rights are
violated, Crimeans are quite prepared to turn to the courts or to magistrates;
but when they do, they typically lose because the courts work not according to
the law but rather according to the whim of the powers that be.
A particular irritant in the
relationship, Goryunova says, concerns the Russian tourists who now dominate
the scene. They are invariably cheap,
they won’t use paid public toilets preferring instead to relieve themselves in
the bushes, and they throw trash about even if there is a barrel to put it in.
Any Crimean who complains about such
behavior is met with “a tirade” by Russians who say that he or she should be
grateful forever to the Russians for “’liberating’ Crimea from ‘the Ukrainian
yoke.’” In short, “Russians act like masters,
and Crimeans are reduced to the status of guests son their own land” from which
“at any moment” they may be forced to leave.
“No one needs us in Russia,” one of
Goryunova’s neighbors says. “Why then
did they take us? In order then to drive us out of our own home.” The recognition of what Moscow is about in
Crimea may have come later than one would like, the political scientist adds,
but at least it is coming now.
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