Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 23 – At the end of
Gorbachev’s times, the greatest fear in Western capitals was that the Soviet
Union would, in the words of US Secretary of State James Baker, become “a
Yugoslavia with nukes,” that is, a country that would fall apart in a series of
violent spasms that would likely draw in other powers.
The nations that then lay within the
borders of the USSR and the world at large were remarkably fortunate that, thanks
to the restraint of most in Moscow and the statesmanship of most non-Russian
leaders and Western officials, such a horrific outcome did not occur and that
the demise of the Soviet Union was relatively non-violent.
Tragically, the Russian Federation
is now led by an openly revanchist president who has called for a revision of
the 1991 settlement, shown his willingness to use force in pursuit of that goal
and displayed the kind of arrogant contempt for the more than a quarter of the
population of the Russian Federation which is not ethnically Russian.
Consequently, at a time when
Vladimir Putin’s statements about the Russian language, the Russian nation and
the supremacy over everything else of his power vertical, it is perhaps not
surprising that some non-Russians are worried that the Kremlin leader is acting
in ways that could make “a Yugoslav scenario” possible within the current
borders of the Russian Federation.
One is Marat Kulsharipov, an
historian at Bashkir State University in Ufa, who told RFE/RL’s Tatar Service
that Putin’s latest comments about the Russian language are simply “the latest
step in his efforts to establish a civic Russian nation” and that it is sad
that a senior official should “succumb” to such notions (azatliq.org/a/28630082.html in Tatar; idelreal.org/a/reaction-tatarstana-na-slova-putina-o-russkom-yazike/28630471.html in Russian).
And he makes the following
additional and disturbing point: “Russia [now] is going along the path of the
former Yugoslavia, conducting a policy against the preservation of language,
history and traditions of the non-Russian peoples. This is being done on the sly,”
but nonetheless consistently and thus dangerously.
Just how explosive the situation may
be thanks to Putin’s insensitive chauvinism is shown by the comments of two
senior figures in Tatarstan, which suggest that Kazan is in no mood prepared to
back down in the face of Putin’s drive, and by those of Sakha parliamentarian
which underscores how other non-Russians are viewing the current Moscow-Kazan
clash.
Tatarstan’s
education minister Engel Fttakhov declared that “In Tatarstan, Tatar is the
state language for everyone. This is written black on white in our
Constitution. We are actin in the framework of the law. A consensus has been
achieved. [Our] educational programs correspond to federal standards.”
And Rafael Khakimov, former advisor
to former Tatarstan President Mintimir Shaymiyev and currently vice president
of the Tatarstan Academy of Sciences, was even more pointed: “Tatarstan has its
own constitution and its own law on state languages … the Supreme Court of
Russia … recognizes this as absolutely lawful.”
“In order to exclude instruction in
Tatar, it would be necessary to change the [Tatarstan] Constitution,” the
academician said. “We hope things will not go that far.”
Meanwhile, Ivan Shamayev, a Sakha
parliamentarian, told RFE/RL’s Tatar Service that Putin’s comments on language instruction
were directed “above all at Tatarstan. It turns out that only in that republic
does instruction of the national language remain [a requirement]. If Tatarstan
will be able to respond to this pressure in a worthy manner, we will applaud,
standing.”
“In the national republics,
instruction in state languages should be obligatory,” Shamayev said. “But de facto, for a long time already, this
has not been the case in all republics.
[What Putin said] is what he really wants. The national republics will be forced to bear
the burden of preserving their own languages by themselves.”
And he continued, “In the Komi
republic, Komi isn’t taught; in Buryatia, the same thing is true and these
languages are at risk of disappearing. But in Tatarstan, the situation is different.
It provides an example to many. I hope that the republics will defend their
national rights.”
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