Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 20 – “The Soviet
Union was more attractive for the world than is the Russian Federation,”
Armenian commentator Anna Mkrtchyan says; and thus is far less able to use “soft
power” to promote itself because such power is based not on armed force and
economics but on “culture, political values, and a legitimate and moral policy.”
Countries that are attractive to
others can use “soft power” to good effect, she continues; those which are not
either lose their positions by alienating others or are forced to turn to “hard
power” in the pursuit of their goals (panorama.am/am/news/2017/07/18/Աննա-Մկրտչյան/1809217; translated into
Russian at inosmi.ru/politic/20170720/239852604.html).
“Despite its totalitarian character,
the USSR with its communist ideology had more followers than does the Russian
Federation which positions itself in the role of a defender of conservative
values,” Mkrtchyan says. No disputes “the greatness of Russian culture,” but “Anglo-Saxon
values including the American dream and the British way of life” are dominant.
Indeed, the Armenian commentator
points out, “Russian ‘force’ cannot attract even the countries of the
post-Soviet space. In the near abroad, it is possible that many are delighted
by the strong hand of the leadership of Russia, but few of them if given a
choice would want to live like a Russian ‘peasant.’”
The reasons for that are not far to
seek: all too often, “the Russian spirit” is clothed “in chauvinism with a
great power mentality that looks on the world from imperial heights.” That offends other nations even if they have
good reason to want to cooperate economically or politically.
According to Mkrtchyan, “the best
manifestation of antipathy to everything Russia is that those who know Russian
refuse to acknowledge that they can speak this language,” a phenomenon that she
says “one can encounter in many countries.”
“In Armenia, Russian civilization is
viewed positively on the whole, and sometimes we Armenians are embarrassed that
we don’t speak Russian or speak it poorly. But never the less, people are more pleased
with Russian ‘hard power’ – rockets, submarines and fighter planes – in a
country surrounded by enemies and having security problems.”
Thus, for Armenians, “being a friend
of ‘the Russian bear’ seems attractive. But being in the embrace of even a
friendly bear, it is naïve to expect ‘softness.’” That is something Armenians and others
discover anew every time Moscow does something that violates accepted morality
or law.
The latest such case affecting
Armenia is Moscow’s “’taactless’ proposal” that Yerevan should make Russian an
official language of the country.
Armenians have been in general outraged, and from this, Mkrtchyan says, “two
important conclusions” flow:
On the one hand, “Russia must increase
its investment in ‘soft force,’” not be increasing its propaganda even more but
by taking the opinions of others into consideration, something Moscow isn’t
doing now. And on the other, Armenians
among others need to learn how to respond to Russian actions in a “proportional”
way.
In this case, the Armenian
commentator says, “they must be able when necessary to be capable of saying ‘no.’”
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