Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 18 – The three
Russian government agencies responsible for promoting Russian “soft power”
abroad generally focus not on the West but elsewhere, Moscow experts say; the
Russian government is skeptical about people to people efforts; and as a
result, Russia has been losing the soft power battle with the West.
That vision of the situation is very
different from what many in the West imagine, but an article on the Znak portal
argues recent events lead to “the sad conclusion that Russia which is de facto
in a new cold war with the West as before is far from mastering soft power,
which would allow in strategic perspective to increase the number of Russia’s
allies in the world arena.”
Having briefly reviewed the activities
of the three Russian government agencies in this area – the Russian Cooperation
Agency, the Russian World Fund, and the Gorchakov Foundation – the portal asked
three experts to evaluate Russian soft power (znak.com/2018-03-15/pochemu_pered_ugrozoy_novoy_holodnoy_voyny_rossiya_tak_i_ne_ovladela_instrumentami_myagkoy_sily).
Aleksandr Baunov, a
former Russian diplomat who now works at the Carnegie Center in Moscow, says
that “one must not consider the system of Russian soft power only through these
three organizations.” The foreign ministry plays the key role via its embassies
and trade representatives, and Russian media, and especially Russia Today, are
more influential.
Moreover,
he suggests, one should “not underrate work with Russian diasporas in foreign
countries.” Russians there are divided into “two camps,” those who “continue to
love their country” and those “who ran from the hated motherland.” Twenty years ago, the latter dominated the
scene, now, Russian diasporas divide roughly 50-50 into these two camps.
Yevgeny
Minchenko, head of the International Institute of Political Expertise, says
that “diasporas really are typically a serious element of lobbing, but in the case
of the Russian ones, this isn’t happening” especially in major Western
countries. In Britain, for example, ethnic Russians show “a very low degree of
loyalty to their country.”
Moreover,
Russian officials downplay the role of such groups, preferring instead to focus
on diplomatic contacts with the host country rather than on meeting with ethnic
Russian diasporas. That limits Moscow’s
ability to build up a stable group that will serve as the best ambassadors of
Russian soft power, he suggests.
And
Aleksey Potemkin, a Moscow political analyst, agrees. “We have a very state-focused
political culture” that looks askance at non-official contacts. As a result, he
says, “a large part of the money which is intended to promote Russian ‘soft
power’ remains in the hands of government agencies or goes into economic
programs to support international development.”
In
addition, he continues, “very often Russia cuts back on the intensity of work
in the most difficult directions, for example, in relations with the US.” For example, Moscow ended the Kremlin Fellows
program even though it had been successful in winning friends for Russia who
then obtained influential positions in the United States.
Baunov
agrees. Often, he says, “the Kremlin is
skeptical” about any such unofficial groups, especially given concerns at the
center that supporting them will only bring charges that Moscow is interfering
and make the situation for the Russian side even worse than it would otherwise
be.
That has
left business contacts as the most important or at least most effective means
of promoting Russian soft power, he says. Nonetheless, Minchenko says that “the
establishment of an effective system of lobbying while difficult is possible”
but only if Moscow changes its attitude toward soft power and comes to view it
as something more than a special operation.
And
Potemkin insists that Russia needs a program of continuing contacts with those
who are influential in foreign countries and especially in the West. That would
allow Moscow to “achieve the necessary results,” implicitly suggesting that it
is far from doing so at the present time.
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