Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 30 – Vladimir Putin
and Donald Trump will find it hard to reach any hard and fast agreements at their
upcoming summit in Helsinki not only because of objective circumstances which
will make many such agreements impossible but also because the two men are so
much alike, Vladimir Pastukhov says.
In an interview on the “Personally
Yours” program of Ekho Moskvy, the Russian
historian who now works at the University College of London draws that
conclusion as well as offering penetrating comments on the current
international system and some dangerous developments in Russia itself (echo.msk.ru/programs/personalnovash/2231020-echo/).
He says that in
contrast to the recent past, he observes in the world “manifestations of
Russophobia practically every day but those of Putinophilia practically every
hour,” a pattern that the World Cup competition has encouraged but that may very
well end soon, along with “the mini-football thaw” that the Kremlin has been
showing to visitors in recent weeks.
Putin may try to keep this mini-thaw
going “for some time,” Pastukhov says; but it will depend in large measure on the
outcome of his upcoming meeting with Trump in Helsinki, a site he says was selected
to echo the Helsinki Accords which Moscow viewed as a recognition of the post-1945
status quo in Europe.
But the chief reason for the meeting
now, the historian says, is that each leader has “an enormous desire to reach
an agreement with the other.” Despite that, they are going to find that difficult
in the first instance because “these two personalities are unbelievably similar
to one another.”
Putin wants to “achieve a big deal
in the framework of which it will be possible to guarantee the non-interference
in the Wet in the domestic affairs of Russia and htus practically legalize the
understandings” by which the Kremlin leader now runs his country, Pastukhov
continues.
“In exchange,” he suggests, “Russia
will promise to stop acting like a partisan fighter in the international arena
and to engage instead in profitable trade” just as Soviet leaders hoped they
would have the chance to do after the 1974 accords signed in the same city.
As for Trump, the historian argues, “he
dreams of gaining the opportunity to rule just as things are ruled in Moscow!”
He doesn’t have those chances now but he continues to seek them. At one level,
they will not have any problem in finding “a common language” but at another,
they won’t be able to reach agreements that go beyond declarations.
Many are now talking about a deal in
Syria, Pastukhov says; but they forget that “Russia went into Syria with one
single goal” – to force the United States to reach an agreement with it about
Ukraine. For Putin, Syria and Ukraine are “a package deal.” And “Syria is
simply an instrument” in that process.
Will Trump recognize Crimea as legitimately
part of Russia as he has said he might? According to Pastukhov, that is
unlikely because the US president is “not free to do so yet.” He isn’t, as much
as he would like to be “’an American Putin,’” and if he were to make that
concession, charges that he is “a Russian agent” would surface with new force.
Putin understands that full well,
and his understanding will also play a role in preventing the breakthrough that
he would otherwise pursue without stopping, the historian continues.
The summit nonetheless will have
consequences, although perhaps not immediately. It will give rise to new hopes
that agreements can come and even create “the illusion of serious movement
forward.” But that is likely to backfire
when it becomes obvious that this is not the case because “objective
circumstances are against them.”
And then when disappointment sets
it, that will lead to a snapback further than where things are today. “Understand
that from love to hatred and back is a single step” and that this principle is
reflected in “Russian-American relations today,” Pastukhov suggests.
Some have suggested that Trump and
Putin will make some kind of alliance against Europe, he says. But he adds that
“Trump in general is indifferent to the fate of the EU,” as long as it doesn’t
cause any problems for him and the United States. But that attitude also has
consequences for NATO and for the world.
Turning to the situation within
Russia, Pastukhov says that “unfortunately, Putin isn’t running the country.”
Rather, he trying to cope with “conflict situations that are constantly arising.” According to the historian, the Kremlin
leader “isn’t running even the repressive process because repression has
quietly and in an unnoticed way grown into terror.”
The situation is deteriorating
rapidly, and if Khodorkovsky were in prison now, he wouldn’t be let out in
large measure because the “illusions” that Putin and others had that the West
would make concessions have ben dispelled.
That is why Sentsov is being treated so differently.
But there is something else at work
that is even more disturbing: the decisions about repression are no longer
being made at the center. The renewed attacks on Dmitriyev in Karelia are the actions
of local people who would not reverse what they are doing even if they were
asked to do so by Moscow. They have too many equities in pursuing a conviction.
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