Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 16 – It is “a big
mistake” to think that Vladimir Putin has organized his system so as to enrich
himself and his entourage, Dmitry Oreshkin says. His logic is just the
opposite: he has enriched his entourage to buy their loyalty to achieve what he
sees as his “mission” – the restoration of a powerful state like the USSR once
was.
Put most simply, the Russian
commentator says, Putin “buys” loyalty while Stalin secured it “by fear.” The money that central and regional government
and business leaders have “is not a goal but an instrument to secure the
loyalty of the strong players around Putin himself” (apostrophe.ua/article/world/ex-ussr/2020-01-16/putin-idet-po-puti-stalina-kak-v-rossii-proishodit-transfer-vlasti/30362).
“An unavoidable element” of a power
structure of this kind is “infighting among the elites.” To prevent that from
getting out of hand, Putin not only monitors them closely but encourages some
to denounce others because that is the only way to prevent the creation of “some
kind of ‘anti-party group,’ if one uses the terms of Comrade Stalin and thus a
coup.”
Stalin countered this danger by “shuffling
the force structures,” the commentator says. Putin does so by pitting one group
against another and transferring wealth.
And that means that in his system as in Stalin, “administered conflict
is the natural state for such political models.” The difference is only the
coin of the realm.
In two other ways, Oreshkin suggests,
Putin is relying on Stalinist principles. On the one hand, like Stalin, he
understands that cadres, not positions, decide everything. Consequently, it is
a matter of indifference to him just as it was for Stalin to have the highest
position in the state as long as he has the greatest power.
Stalin was never head of the Soviet
government but between 1923 and 1953, there was no question that he had the most
power as the general secretary of the CPSU who made all the key decisions and
ensured that they were enforced.
And on the other, Putin has a
Stalinist approach to running the country. “Putin in essence is repeating the Soviet
model when there was a central committee of the party and under it committees
of various subordination. A decision which the leader of the party took was
immediately communicated to the lower reaches and then back came reports on its
fulfillment.”
“This is a successful idea for conducting
a war,” Oreshkin says; “but a very unsuccessful one for developing the country.” Nonetheless that is what Putin wants to see,
a rigid hierarchy. He doesn’t have a party structure to rely on, but he is
working to ensure that his power vertical will perform in the same way.
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