Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 5 – Few images are
as widely invoked in talking about Russian politics as that of a frog and hot
water. If the frog is thrown into boiling water, it will jump out and save
itself; but if it is put in water and that water is gradually heated to a
boiling point, the frog will remain confident of survival until in fact he dies
when the water comes to a boil.
That image is now being invoked by
Nikolay Petrov of the Center for Political-Geographic Research, who argues that
Vladimir Putin is gradually raising the heat with the final goal of
construction a system of a military camp, “without prospects for social
solidarity and with very weak hopes for renewal” (rosbalt.ru/russia/2017/10/05/1650947.html).
In a conversation with Rosbalt
observer Sergey Shelin, Petrov says that the Kremlin has made repressions “the
new norm,” with about two percent of elites in the regions and at the center
having been “repressed” each year in the last two. Things are getting worse in
that regard and in terms of the severity of the punishments being meted out.
According to Petrov, “we are
observing a constant revision of the rules of the game.” Those who continue to
play by the old rules inevitably suffer, and those who suffered before may be
brought back to suffer again in order to teach others a lesson. And that lesson is this: there is no hope
even in absolute loyalty unless one remains very flexible.
“When Putin came to power, he began
with the destruction of federalism and the inclusion of governors and regional
elites in a general system of the power vertical. At the same time,” Petrov
says, “Russia began to be converted into a federation of corporations which
became as it were states within the state” such as the FSB and Russian
Railways.
Now, however, “we see that the wave
has reached the point that there is no autonomy anywhere. Centralization at the
level of federal corporations has also taken place. A system of
super-centralized administration from one center in such a gigantic and varied
country as Russia cannot be a new balance point.”
Consequently, the Russian analyst
says, “it seems to me that this is absolutely a traditional state, after which
inevitably must be followed the proclamation of new rules of the game. The
rules which operated earlier already don’t work.” Some aspects of the new
system are already visible.
“There is no mutual trust and the
chance of organizing horizontal ties among elites now. This means that it is
very easy to control them from above. At the same time, it turns out that the
elites will not cooperate for corrupt purposes or any other.” They are simply interested in personal
survival, and the best thing to do is to keep one’s head down.
That of course is leading to
paralysis, a state that can’t continue forever.
And it almost certainly will be attacked by the Kremlin in an effort to
impose a harsher nomenklatura system that will involve “a single monolithic
pyramid” in which “each will understand that he cannot count on any autonomous
survival as a result of protection from above other than from Putin.
Thus, after what has been a period of feudal
confusion, Russia is being transformed into “an absolute monarchy” by gradually
raising the temperature of the water in which the frogs are swimming. This image, Petrov suggests, is even more appropriate
for the population than it is for the bosses because the latter have had the water
grow hotter only in the last two years. The former have been in hot water for a
longer time.
The problem with Putin’s destruction of all
institutions is that his system can’t survive him. When Stalin died, there were
far more powerful institutions around than there are now. What will happen when
Putin leaves the scene is thus a problem for which no one has yet found a
solution.
What one can say, Petrov continues,
is that the process of creating a new kind of organization will be “long and
hard. There are no cells or structures which could work even at the level of
local self-administration. Everything has been destroyed.” But the problems of
a system which is interested only in preservation rather than development may
come sooner.
“Ineffective administration realized
without institutions always carries with it enormous risk. It can provoke a
crisis even there where there are no particular preconditions present. Collapse
is one of the real scenarios. The
probability of a gradual renewal of the system abut which people spoke
seriously not long ago now has been reduced.”
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