Paul Goble
Staunton,
July 6 – Unlike his predecessors, US President Donald Trump views Europe not as
a partner but as a competitor and is thus prepared to sacrifice even short-term
domestic American economic interests to weaken it even at the cost of leading
Germany to become a real challenger to the US, according to Moscow commentator
Petr Akopov.
Trump’s
demand that the Europeans spend two percent of their GDP on defense and pay for
the basing of American troops in Europe if they hope for America’s defense
won’t help the US defense sector because the Europeans have their own defense
industry, the Vzglyad writer says (vz.ru/politics/2018/7/6/931148.html).
And many NATO members, especially
the largest ones like Germany, are unlikely to be willing to increase spending
to mollify Trump. As a result, in the short term, Trump’s policy will lead to a
weakening of Europe and Euro-Atlantic institutions without any benefit for the
American economy whatever he and his advisors may think, Akopov continues.
But the real animus of Trump’s
policies, the Moscow commentator says, is that “he wants to send a message to
Europe that it is dependent on the US and that if it doesn’t want to pay to the
fullest for its security, it will have to compensate for that by concessions in
other spheres,” such as tariffs on automobiles.
For typical Russian and Atlanticist
analysts, “such a position is absurd;” but Trump believes it because he “does
not consider that the US controls Europe.” Instead, he views the continent as
part of some “conditional West, that is, an Atlanticist super-national project in
which the US doesn’t have full sovereignty.”
“What Trump wants above all is “to return
the national sovereignty of the US – by destroying for that end a united West.”
Not completely but to the point that it will consist of subordinates to the US
rather than its partners.” And then, Akopov continues, “US control over Europe
will not be military, ideological or cadres but economic.”
The America of Trump’s “dreams” does
not need a strong and united Europe because the EU is almost twice the size of
the US in population and has both a serious economy and ambitions of its own.” Instead, “Trump’s America needs a weakened
and divided Europe” – and that is what the US president has sought to promote.
But it is entirely
possible that this will backfire, especially in the case of Germany whose “patience”
Trump has been trying. Since 1945, Germany has not been an independent
international player comparable to its size and importance. And it did not
recover that status even after it reunified because the American forces never
left.
“The stronger the EU become s and the greater
the might of Germany grows,” Akopov suggests, the more difficult it will be for
the Anglo-Saxons to influence the administration of a United Europe. So that
Trump simply decided to destroy the EU before it completely moves out from
under Anglo-Saxon control and is transformed into the Fourth Reich.”
But if Trump destroys the EU, then
Germany will have to become something that the existence of that structure has
made impossible: an independent international actor that will be ready to
challenge the US. All Berlin’s talk about a European army is directed against the
UK and the US, Atlanticism and Globalism.
If that force arises and if Germany
dominates it, Germany “will again become not an object but a subject of world
politics, with all the possibilities ensuing from that. The chief one of which
is the possibility of an independent choice of direction and the formation of
alliances and blocs,” including potentially one that would link Berlin with
Moscow and Beijing.
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