Putin’s Totalitarianism Doesn’t Require Shootings, Ponomaryev Says

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 16 – Some say that Russia is already approaching a new 1937, but others insist that “nothing very terrible is taking place” because “there are no mass shootings without investigation and trial and there will never be such things,” longtime human rights campaigner Lev Ponomaryev says.

            “But if there are no shootings,” he continues, “this doesn’t mean that there are no repressions” or that these repressions are not intensifying. There are, and they are; and this is worrisome because “the totalitarianism towards which Russia is lurching is dangerous not only for political opponents of the regime” but for ordinary people as well.”

            Moreover, the new totalitarian “machine” that the Putin regime is putting in place is incapable of stopping on its own, Ponomaryev argues; and worse, it has not intention of doing do. Instead, everything suggests that barring resistance, it will become ever worse (mk.ru/politics/2019/05/16/novoe-lico-totalitarizma-natisk-repressiy-v-rossii-usilivaetsya.html).

            The parallels with the onset of Stalinism are all too obvious. “Then during the struggle with opponents of the regime suffered ordinary people as well who in no way were opposed to the regime,” the human rights activist continues.  “As a result, a repressive machine which could not and did not want to stop was created and millions of people fell under its millstones.”

            According to Ponomaryev, under Stalin in the 1930s, “the inertia of repressions was fed by fear; and envy, which acquired in the population a practical realization: banal denunciations on one’s neighbor with the goal of taking his room in a communal apartment—or simply for revenge.”

            “Now, 80 years later as then, the first to suffer are opposition figures, who in essence are accused of being enemies of the people.” They aren’t that numerous and many assume that what is happening to them can’t happen to anyone else. “But the repressive machine has been launched, and the moment when an ordinary person will be drawn in is a question of time.”

            Since the May 2012 protest against the regime arrogating itself unconstitutional powers, the Kremlin “began to fear any protest actions and developed standards of repression,” either refusing to approve applications for meetings or imposing administrative fines on participants.  “Totalitarian practices were in this way being tested.”

            They rapidly spread and became massive, Ponomaryev says. “Over the last two years alone, already tens of thousands of people throughout the country have been illegally subjected to administrative punishments for peaceful political actions.” And the stage is being set for these administrative actions to be followed by criminal charges with real prison terms.

            Under new laws, “if an activist is subject to administrative punishment for participation in mass actions three times in the course of a year, then on the fourth occasion, he can be subject automatically to criminal punishment.” Given how easy it is for the authorities to impose administrative fines, this is not some distant prospect and has already been used.

            Another totalitarian instrument, Ponomaryev continues, is the use of the 2015 law against undesirable organizations, itself “anti-constitutional and illegal.” That measure specifies that if an individual is given administrative punishments for its violation twice in one year, he can be subject to criminal sanctions on the third.

            Yet a third such repressive instrument is government policy on the internet.  Any citizen can be caught up in Internet crimes. “From the point of view of mass repressions, the internet is useful both for catching opposition activists and for intimidating those with no links to politics at all.”

            The regime has backed off on this measure because the absurdity of some of the charges its officials were bringing under Paragraph 282 were discrediting the powers that be. But that decision can easily be reversed once the authorities feel that they do not face any risk that their actions will have that consequence.

            In addition, “the FSB is opening ever more cases on terrorism and extremism with respect to youth organizations.” Many of them are not only absurd on their face but require the testimony extracted under torture of those who are charged – parallels with the 1930s that are too obvious not to be noticed.

            Such things represent a dangerous challenge to everyone because each time the powers that be get away with something, the country moves closer to the horrors of totalitarianism. “Just as was the case in 1937,” Ponomaryev says.  And he calls for protests against them now before such actions themselves become impossible.