Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 1 – The spread of protests
and unrest in Belarus has the potential to become a far greater threat to the Kremlin
than the Maidan in Ukraine ever did, according to Russian economist Vladislav
Inozemtsev. Some will find that encouraging, while others will view it as dangerous.
Six months ago, Belarus appeared to
be the most “’peaceful’” place in Europe where Alyaksandr Lukashenka ruled and
the population did not protest. But now all that has changed, and the change in
Minsk presages changes in Moscow that may be even more epochal, Inozemtsev says
(t.me/kremlebezBashennik/14272).
For many years, Lukashenka showed the
way forward for Putin, he continues. Lukashenka “zeroed out” his presidential
terms 16 years before Putin is trying to do the same thing. “He outplayed his eastern neighbor,
constantly offering Russia abstract promises for real assistance.” And he spat
on the coronavirus even as Putin was struggling to deal with it.
But it has turned out that “26 years
of autocracy is too much” in Belarus.
“Last week, it became known what in
the post-Soviet world both ‘powers’ and ‘opposition’ are worth,” Inozemtsev continues.
Lukashenka has scheduled presidential
elections for August 9 and the powers have blocked a popular opposition figure
from registering. But the Belarusian
people are no longer willing to sit still for this.
Over the weekend, in spontaneous
fashion, 100,000 of them stood in line for hours not just in Minsk but
throughout the country to sign a petition for the candidacy of Svetlana
Tikhanovskaya, the wife of a blogger who has been detained without cause. And
she isn’t even the leader in the race: polls show Lukashenka losing to Viktor
Babariko of Belgazprombank.
Lukashenka is going to find it hard
to make up the deficit by falsification, especially if people know how they
voted – and they are not going to vote for him.
“Belarus is not Ukraine,” the Russian
economist says. “Russia has always been cautious about Kyiv but sympathetic to
Minsk” and created a Union state including the two countries. But if
Belarusians vote on August 9 in the way they seem likely to, then “August 2020
will become for Russia the most ‘August’ August” since 1991.
Putin may be able to ram through
approval of his constitutional amendments and orchestrate regional elections in
September. But and this is what is critical, Inozemtsev suggests, “the problems
in Russia are exactly the same as in Belarus” and consequently what happens in
Belarus will be a specter of what can happen in Russia.
No country is going to exit the coronavirus
pandemic easily. “Economic problems are only beginning, and the powers in
Russia” show no disposition to help. “Yes,
the Kremlin has thought up virtual voting. That’s remarkable, but it won’t be
able to help if people all know how they voted.
“The end of Lukashenka is thus the
beginning of the end of Putin given that the former’s appearance on the political
scene prepared Russians for the acceptance of an authoritarian style of rule
and of the models of the Soviet past,” the economist continues. And that is in
many ways quite remarkable.
“Minsk in 2020 may be able to do
what Kyiv couldn’t in 2004 or 2014. And however sad it may be to recognize, the
history of Russia, just like a quarter of a century ago may again be being
written in Belarus,” Inozemtsev concludes.
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