Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 11 – The people of
Ingushetia, one of the most impoverished federal subjects, must recognize that
no republic head will be able to correct the situation unless and until there
is a change in composition and attitudes of the powers that be in Moscow, Fortanga
commentator Yevgeny Tatarnikov says.
The Ingush, he says, “are the
victims of the existing system of relations between the federal center and the
regions.” They are thus in exactly the same situation as the rest of
Russia. And “no head of the republic will
be able to change the situation for the better” until there is “radical change”
in Moscow (fortanga.org/2020/08/ingushetiya-svodki-pikiruyushhej-ekonomiki/).
Consequently, Tatarnikov argues, if
they want to have a better life, they must shift from focusing on getting a new
leader in Magas and work with the peoples of other regions and republics to get
a new leader in Moscow, a shift that has become especially important now
because the situation in Ingushetia and elsewhere is getting worse.
In recent years, “practically all
socio-economic indicators of Ingushetia” have shown a sharply negative decline.
In 2012, 12 percent of the republic’s population was below the poverty line;
now 30 percent is. And that figure would
be still worse if it weren’t for government subsidies, an indication that the economy
has almost ceased to work.
But if there are more poor, he
continues, there is also a greater disparity between the top and the bottom.
Officially, the top decile earns 14 times what the bottom does; unofficially
but accurately, the real difference is 50 to 100 times. That compares with
figures in Western Europe of two to three times.
Many Ingush can’t afford to buy good
quality food or clothing. Thirty
percent of them are unemployed, six times the all-Russian average; and the real
figures for unemployment and under-employment are far higher. At the same time,
more than 80 percent who do have jobs are bureaucrats, siloviki and others
employed by the government.
According to statistics, it takes an
Ingush family from 13 to 15 years to earn enough money to purchase an
apartment, a figure whose tragic consequences is concealed by the fact that it
takes even longer for people in the neighboring republics of Chechnya,
Karachayevo-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria and Daghestan to do so.
Up to now, most Ingush have accepted
the notion that their republic is responsible for all this, that any problems
are those of their regional leaders or themselves. But, Tatarinkov argues, they
must see that their situation reflects what Moscow is doing or not doing and
work to change things first and foremost not in Magas but in the Russian
capital.
To the extent that the residents of
Ingushetia and other federal subjects reach that conclusion, Moscow will face a
very different challenge than the ones it has so far, a challenge in which the
peoples of the periphery will see that the arrogation of power and wealth by
those in the capital is why they are suffering so much.
In connecting these dots, the
peoples of the periphery will come together as a united front against the
center rather than remaining as they typically have been in the past divided
and riven by the sense that they are not Moscow, despite all the center’s
claims of all-powerfulness, are to blame.
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