Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 29 – Following an
appeal from Makhachkala, Sergey Shoygu, Russia’s new defense minister, has
raised the semi-annual draft quota for Daghestan from 179 to 4,000 and promised
to increase it further later on, apparently convinced that it is better for
young Daghestanis to be in the army than have them join anti-Russian the
militants in the forests.
Because many Russian officers
believe that North Caucasians undermine military discipline, because the size
of the Russian military has declined, and because outsourcing of many tasks
that non-Russians in the military had earlier carried out, Moscow has drafted
ever fewer North Caucasians in recent years.
But Daghestanis, both official and
unofficial, have been outraged because the decline has been so precipitous in a
republic which Moscow claims has not descended into violence as Chechnya did.
And consequently, Daghestani leaders last spring appealed to then-Prime
Minister Vladimir Putin and now to the new defense minister to change the
situation.
Whatever their precise cause – and most
Daghestanis seem them as obvious ethnic discrimination – the numbers of
draftees from there have fallen precipitously. In 2010, the military drafted
2010 up to 20,000 Daghestanis. Then last fall, Moscow called into uniform
service only 179 instead of the announced number of 330 (www.odnako.org/blogs/sow_22348
andwww.bigcaucasus.com/events/topday/29-11-2012/81657-dagestan_army-0/).
Daghestanis believe that Moscow
could draft as many as 35,000 from that republic because of high birthrates,
and officials want it to because drafting such people will ease the
unemployment problem in that North Caucasus republic and reduce the likelihood
that such young men will go into the mountains to fight against the Russian
authorities.
Sergey Krivenko, the director of the
Citizen.Army.Law Rights Defense Group, told “Bolshoy Kavkaz” that Moscow has
had the right to make such radical changes since 1993 even though the
Constitution specifies that all Russian citizens should equally liable to
performing military service.
Each year, he said, “the president
establishes a plan for the draft and specifies the exact number of draftees.
But the General Staff decides from which region it will call just how many
people to military service. Therefore, from the point of view of the law,
everything [that has happened in Daghestan] is in order.”
According to Krivenko, what has
driven the numbers down for Daghestan in the first instance are cutbacks in the
number of officers who deal with socializing new draftees. Rather than deal with the problems that
soldiers from different ethnic groups present, Russian commanders have
preferred to dispense with the problem by not drafting them.
While Gadzhimet Safaraliyev, a Duma
deputy from Daghestan, believes that it was the earlier Daghestani appeal to
Putin that made the difference, a variety of other analysts suggested today
that Shoygu is the one who made this decision (www.odnako.org/blogs/show_22348/).
Vladislav Shurygin, a military commentator
said that Shoygu decided that “everyone must serve” both because of the
constitutional requirement and because “if people themselves want to serve,
even more under our conditions when things have not been going so well, then
they ought to be welcomed.
And Leonid Ivashov, a retired
lieutenant general and head of the Academy of Geopolitical Problems, said Shoygu
felt comfortable making this decision because the cutbacks were the “illegal”
work of his predecessor. Moreover, he understands that if young North
Caucasians aren’t drafted, they will “go into the mountains where they will be
paid and given arms.”
But Shoygu’s decision does not
answer two questions about the Daghestanis. On the one hand, it does not
indicate whether Moscow will go ahead with earlier plans to form an “experimental”
and purely “Daghestani” battalion – what some are calling a restoration of the tsarist
“Dikaya diviziya” (vestikavkaza.ru/news/Dagestantsy-poydut-v-armiyu-tysyachami.html).
And
on the other, this latest decision does provide an answer as to whether the
Daghestanis will become more integrated in Russian society after military
service or whether both they and their fellow ethnic Russian recruits will differently
about the others after serving together.
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