Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 13 – The Russian
government has proposed new tighter legislation to deal with immigrants, but “many
citizens” do not understand that this “tightening” of the rule will affect “not
only foreign immigrants but Russians themselves” and require both to secure
“propiska”-style registration with the authorities, according to a migration
activist.
In an article in today’s “Novyye
izvestiya,” Lidiya Grafova, the president of the Forum of Resettlement
Organizations, notes that the law has not yet been passed but that “several
regions are already hurrying to impose tighter rules and penalties including fines
and jail terms for those who fail to register (www.newizv.ru/society/2012-11-13/172795-propiska-vozvrashaetsja.html).
“The
current anti-immigrant wave” is informed by “a single PR goal,” Grafova says.
It is designed to “show the population that the authorities are concerned about
their own citizens.” But does anyone believe that even the re-introduction of
the “propiska” can stop migration as long as “our borders with the CIS
countries” remain open.
Some
are proposing to introduce visa requirements or to keep migrant workers from
coming into Moscow or St. Petersburg by means of police barricades, “but who
will work in our rapidly aging Russia if the CIS citizens are turned away to
other countries?” And Russia needs them because “the population of Russia is
contracting by a million people each year.”
Her
own experience of working with immigrants has led her to conclude, Grafova
says, that “our migration policy and even more its implementation is defined
not by the interests of the state and the requirements of society but serves
exclusively the interests of a corrupt class,” one that benefits when people
are forced to pay more to get around the law.
For
the members of that class, she says, “this is not stupidity but a selfish
calculation. The harsher the legislation, the more expensive becomes the quota
not to speak about citizenship of the Russian Federation. The more prohibitions
and limitations, the larger the army of illegals that will be driven into
slavery.”
But
under President Vladimir Putin, there seems little chance that this situation
will change. When Putin was challenged
by a regional human rights ombudsman to commone on the idea that “if we only
make the laws harsher, then registration will be converted into ‘propiska’ and
not the best form of that,” he responded in a frightening way.
The
Russian leader said: “You say that one must not just because harsher. But what
then is to be done? … No one made any other proposals, I tell you openly.”
“It
is unknown,” Grafova continues, “with whom the president took advice” and who
told him that they “do not see any other way out.” Obviously, there are many
alternatives, including the use tax identification numbers rather than
addresses to locate citizens and legal migrants. “At the start of his
presidency, Putin spoke with schools involved with demography and migration,”
but no longer.
Now,
apparently, he speaks with an ever narrower circle of people, Grafova says, and
with people who see harshness as the answer to everything. That won’t work forever, she suggests.
Indeed, the longer that approach continues, the worse the situation in the
Russian Federation for all those living there is likely to be.
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