Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 19 – President
Vladimir Putin who during his first two terms reduced the number of federal
subjects from 89 to 83 by amalgamating numerically small non-Russian regions
with larger Russian ones is currently preparing to restart this process and end
the ethno-territorial divisions of the country, according to a Moscow
journalist.
Dmitry Terekhov, co-chair of the
Journalists of Russia organization, says Putin suspended the effort because of
the economic crisis and the elections but now wants to press ahead because like
Terekhov, Putin is convinced that ethno-territorial units represent “a constant
and most serious threat” to the territorial integrity of Russia (ruskline.ru/news_rl/2012/11/17/za_likvidaciyu_nacionalnoterritorialnogo_deleniya_idut_tyazhyolye_pozicionnye_boi/).
After surveying
the ways in which Terekhov says outside powers have exploited ethnic
territories first within the Soviet Union and no within Russia and the steps
Putin took before 2008, the Moscow journalist outlines what he says was a plan
drawn up at that time for the complete transformation of the country.
According to Terekhov, Moscow
before 2008 had developed a project that would involve more than the 0.3
percent of the population that the first wave of amalgamation did. Specificially, he writes, the plan called for
the following steps:
-combining the Nenets Autonomous
District with Arkhangelsk oblast to form a Pomor Kray;
-amalgamating Magadan oblast, the Chukchi
Autonomous District and Sakha, Udmurtia with Perm and “possibly” Kirov obast;
-joining together Udmurtiya and Kirov
oblast with the Perm Kray;
-folding the Khanty-Mansiisk and
Yamalo-Nenets autonomous districts into a Tyurmen or West Siberian kray;
-combining Vologda oblast and the
Komi Republic;
-amalgamating Bashkortostan with
Orenburg oblast;
-grouping together Nizhne Novgorod
oblast with Mordvinia;
-combining Irkutsk kray and
Buryatia;
-amalgamating the Altay Kray and the
Altay Republic; and
-in the “explosive” North Caucasus, uniting
the Adygey Republic with Krasnodar Kray or combining Adygeya with Stavropol
kray.
At the same time, Terekhov said,
Moscow moved to create what is effectively a governor generalship in the North
Caucasus by appointing Aleksandr Khloponin to head a new federal district while
allowing him to keep his post a vice prime minister, an arrangement that
recalls “the times of the Russian Empire.”
If the Kremlin proceeded cautiously
in the past, carefully “sounding out” each step, Terekhov continues, now, in
Putin’s third term, the regime is prepared to talk about more radical
steps. Two United Russian functionaries,
Sergey Markov and Andrey Metelsky, for example, have talked about “the complete
liquidation of the national republics in the North Caucasus and the formation
in their place of a North Caucasus Kray.”
Two things are important about their
remarks, Terekhov says. On the one hand,
they were delivered on central television and not in some “analytic
publications.” And on the other, “in
public no one (!) of the North Caucasus leaders said a word against this
super-radical declaration,” a reflection of their new docility toward Moscow.
All this shows, the journalist
continues, that “the line for the complete liquidatioin of the national
territorial division of Russia left to [the present] as an inheritance from the
Bolsheviks,” and that in his view, “ten years from now there will not remain
any mark of the existence of the form autonomis which at any time could
threaten” secession.
What Putin is proposing to do is “simply
gigantic” and can, Terekhov insists, “be called without exaggeration a
revolution, although it is being carried out quietly and without excessive
noise” now that “the elections are behind and ahead are six years of relatively
peaceful and stable political development” lie ahead.
As this process unfolds, the
journalist says, new ideas are likely to surface. One just has, with a
Daghestani scholar suggesting that the non-Russian republics be renamed
according to a territorial rather than ethnic basis. That would be extremely easy to do, Terekhov
says, but he adds that he and most of those with whom he has spoken still favor
amalgamation.
(What he does not say but what may
be critical is this: this latest idea from Daghestan may be intended to
confront the leaders of the non-Russian republics with a Hobson’s choice:
Either see your republics renamed according to the territorial principle, or
face absorption by a larger and predominantly ethnic Russian neighbor.)
At the present time, Terekhov says,
there is “a serious position war” going on about all this, a struggle that will
likely intensify as Moscow “liquidates the national territorial division of
Russia and converts it first into a classical federalism and then possibly into
a unitary state as many generations of patriots of Russia have dreamed” since
1917.
As this battle continues, there will
be occasional “retreats,” Terekhov concluded, “but the general direction
forward is beyond doubt And as in all
questions, the powers that be [in Moscow] need aboe all the active and even
passive support of the Russians, the main state-forming people of the country.”
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