Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 14 – Stavropol Kray,
a predominantly ethnic Russian region that Moscow has included in the North
Caucasus Federal District, is experiencing “two far from simple trends – a growth
in the size of the Muslim umma and the radicalization of its younger members,”
according to a journalist who specializes on the region.
In an article posted on Kavpolit.com
yesterday, Anton Chablin argues that the solution to these problems lies with
the preparation of “literate imams” in a “secular” Islamic institute who will
be “loyal to the state” and be able to combat the growing influence of radicals
from Daghestan and abroad (kavpolit.com/svetskaya-nauka-protiv-islamofobii/).
According
to the kray’s Muslim Spiritual Directorate (MSD), there are now “almost 50”
mosques, prayer houses and prayer rooms in Stavropol. But that statistic is far
from exact, Chablin says, as are numbers for the umma itself. The MSD says
there are 500,000 Muslims in the kray; the Atlas of Russian Religions and Nationalities
says there are only 60,000.
The truth, the journalist says, is “somewhere
in between,” but there is no question that the Muslim community is growing
rapidly. Since the beginning of 2012,
mosques have opened in Saban-Antusta and Kursavka, and five more are slated for
construction in the near future, including in Kislovodsk and Pyatigorsk.
Mosques, of course, “are not simply
walls with beautiful ornamentation,” Chablin continues, they are “above all an ideological
institution, the functions of which entirely depend on the chief man, the imam.”
If he is skillful, things go well, but if he isn’t, then he will lose control
to ill-trained radicals.
“Unfortunately,” and just like the
Russian Orthodox Church, the local MSD lacks enough of the former, and the
government at least in Stavropol kray lacks up to day information about the
level of radicalism among the young. “One can only say with certainty that this
level is constantly growing and that is the result of the work” of self-proclaimed
mullahs and imams.
Mukhammed Rakhimov, the kray’s
mufti, understands this but says he lacks the necessary cadres to combat young
people who were trained for “ten to fifteen years” in Arab countries and “especially
in Saudi Arabia.” When those people returned,
they denounced mullahs here and even murdered some of them.
But if Rakhimov recognizes the
problem, Chablin says, he is “too soft” a man to deal with it and to develop
the kind of “muscular” mullahs who can appeal to the young. His MSD has organized some training courses
for imams, but these do not produce either the numbers or the qualities needed.
That in turn “opens space for the
self-proclaimed preachers who offer members of local communities a primitive
but very understandable scheme: all evil comes from the unbelievers.” That leads to conflicts with the local
mosques and even their division into “’moderates’” and “’radicals.’”
The secular Pyatgorsk Linguistics
University has stepped into the gap and offered special courses on Islamic
theology, “but,” Chablin says, “for such a large region as Stavropol, this is a
drop in the bucket” and there has been no progress toward training Islamic
theologians at the North Caucasus Technical University or, as Aleksandr
Khloponin, the presidential plenipotentiary to the North Caucasus Federal
District, had promised, at the North Caucasus Federal University.
Perhaps recent events in Stavropol,
including clashes between secular and Islamist young people, will force the
authorities to act, the journalist suggests, noting that “a secular Islamic
Institute is as necessary as air to Stavropol kray, something on which however
strange it may seem both Muslims and Islamophobes.”
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