Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 24 – Russia’s various
nationality policy strategy documents in the past have been about social
policies, but the new one, prepared by the Federal Agency for Nationality
Affairs and slated to be approved by the Presidential Council on Inter-Ethnic
Relations is all about national security.
On the one hand, this shift is
nothing more than part of a general trend in Russian policy pronouncements
under Vladimir Putin in recent years to stress the way in which they contribute
to national security, as a means of gaining the Kremlin’s attention and
suggesting that those working in a particular area see security questions as
paramount.
But on the other, it also reflects an
increasing understanding that nationality issues really are at the core of Russian
national security not only because they could once again threaten the
territorial integrity of the state but also because they create problems that
outsiders could exploit or that undermine Russian programs like the military
draft.
In Kommersant today, journalist Natalya Gorodetskaya says that the
document may be changed again before it is promulgated by Vladimir Putin but
that, in the words of Aslambek Paskachev, a member of the presidium of the Presidential
Council, it is a very different document than its predecessors (kommersant.ru/doc/3779077).
It is far briefer than they were,
perhaps in order to avoid raising some of the issues on which there is little
agreement such as the relationship between ethnic and non-ethnic Russianness.
And it is, Paskachev says, “a document of strategic planning in the sphere of
national security.” Aleksandr Brod,
another presidium member, confirms that.
Among the challenges the document lists,
Gorodetskaya continues, are “the influence of international terrorism and
extremism, the dissemination of radical ideas based on national and religious
exclusiveness,” and tensions within Russian Federation arising from regional
conflicts beyond the borders of the country.
Among the specific threats the strategy
paper lists are “an overemphasis on regional interests and separatism,
including support from abroad, illegal migration and problems with the system
of adaptation of migrants, the formation of closed ethnic enclaves, social and wealth
inequality, regional economic differentiation, the results of inter-ethnic
conflicts, and the outflow of ethnic Russians from the North Caucasus, Siberia
and the Far East.”
One particularly tricky issue for
those who prepared the document is the relationship between the concept of ethnic
Russians (russkiye) and that of non-ethnic
Russians (rossiyane) and the role of
the former as “the state-forming” people around whom all the others have been
grouped.
The new document specifies that “the
Russian state was formed as a unity of peoples, the system forming core of
which was historically the Russian people. Present-day Russian society,” it
continues, “is unified by a single cultural (civilizational) code based on the
preservation and development of Russian [russkaya] culture and language, the
historical-cultural legacy of all the peoples of Russia.”
The new document spends a great deal
of time defining key terms, because, as sociologist Leokadiya Drobrizheva says,
research shows that “people understand in different ways unity and a unified
political nation.” Now with these definitions, she suggests, “people will know
that a unified nation is not about the suppression of peoples and languages.”
One reason for the delay in the
production of this strategy paper was that Vladimir Putin asked Academician
Valery Tishkov to prepare a law on a single non-ethnic Russian nation. His efforts
sparked opposition from many non-Russians. As a result, the document did not
appear as scheduled in August 2017 but may now be worked on again.
An innovation in the new document,
Gorodetskaya says, is that it called for “strengthening the non-ethnic Russian
nation,” a goal that will require a reduction in the number of conflicts, the
elevation of the status of the Russian language, support for numerically small
peoples, and increasing inter-regional cooperation.
Vyacheslav Mikhaylov, a former
nationalities minister, says it would be wrong to draw sweeping conclusions as the
document may be changed before Putin signs it. In any case, he suggests, “discussions
will continue.” And while he doesn’t say
so, its stress on a non-ethnic Russian nation and on national security will
provoke both Russians and non-Russians alike.
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