Paul Goble
Staunton,
November 16 – Many Russians and others are wondering who will succeed Vladimir
Putin, but Igor Eidman asks a larger and perhaps even more important question:
how will Russian “de-Putinize” once the dictator is gone. His answer comes in the
form of an imaginative description of what attacks on the then-former leader of
the Kremlin will be like.
And
he suggests in a brief comment that many of the same trends that informed the
de-Stalinization campaign of Nikita Khrushchev after 1956 will be repeated once
Putin has left the scene. His description of what “a new 20th congress”
will be like is given below (facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=2119562401440061&id=100001589654713).
At
this meeting, the Russian sociologist who works as a commentator for Deutsche Welle says, “a politician will declare
with indignation that Putin’s bloody aggression has brought Russia into
conflict with ‘fraternal Ukraine’ and that this crime will never be forgiven. A
diplomat will add that the former president got into a fight with the civilized
world and left the country isolated.”
Another
official will point out that “Putin created a corrupt system in which all those
who accepted office could not avoid stealing. A police chief will declare that
the Putin administration compelled the force structures to harass and break up peaceful
demonstrations and persecute political activists. A general will say that Putin
violated the law by dispatching the military to costly secret wars.” And a judge
will say that “in Putin’s times, the indepence of the judicial system was
destroyed.”
“A
representative of the special services will complain that Putin cost the
country numerous valuable agents by forcing them to engage in risky murders
abroad. A priest will say that Putin’s war against Ukraine has led to a new
schism in the Orthodox church. And a television personality will declare that the
Presidential Administration controlled his every word and forced him to lie all
the time.”
At
this post-Putin meeting, “an oligarch will complain that Putin’s aggressive
policy meant that Western partners stopped dealing with him and that his property
abroad was confiscated. Others will explain how under Putin, the authorities
compelled him to falsify the results of election.”
And “all present will
feel that they are Putin’s real victims and express regret that nothing could
be done. “And then perhaps in a departure from Khrushchev’s script, some young
representative of the new democratic power will arise in the stands and announce
that everyone who has spoken will be subject to lustration.”
That didn’t happen 60 years ago;
perhaps, Eidman suggests, one can hope that it will sometime in the near
future. The big question, he implies, is whether the young man will get his way -- or whether he will be arrested by all those who claimed to be Putin's victims lest they became victims of a new democracy.
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