Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 17 – Two things
about the Shiyes anti-trash protests frighten Moscow, Anton Krivenyuk of Sovershenno
Sekretno says. On the one hand, it is a genuinely popular action without
leaders or political technologists. And on the other, its social base of
supporters consists of “hundreds of thousands of people.”
The first means that the authorities
in the Russian capital decapitate the movement because it doesn’t have “a head”
that they can take off and put in prison and that any actions against the encampment
at Shiyes will immediately and powerfully echo across the entire country (sovsekretno.ru/articles/obedinivshiesya/).
Now that the situation appears to be
heading to crisis with many expecting Moscow will use force against them (activatica.org/blogs/view/id/8521/title/shies-18-noyabrya-ozhidaet-popytku-silovogo-razgona-lagerya)
and asking for support if that happens (rusmonitor.com/shies-prosit-pomoshhi-18-noyabrya-vlasti-khotyat-predprinyat-popytku-razgona.html), Krivenyuk’s words are indicative of what may
happen next.
“The
protest campaign,” he writes, “is very numerous into which thousands of the
most varied people have been drawn. The fact that it isn’t organized and does
not have clear leaders and a defined hierarchy, however, has its minuses. It
isn’t possible to control everything, and various incidents constantly arise,
creating an atmosphere of ‘mutually organized provocations.’”
The protests have become ever more
radicalized, and some of the arrivals are quite prepared to engage in the
violence that those who started them abhor.
Most protesters recognize that any violence on their part plays into the
hands of their opponents but they are not always in a position to prevent it,
Krivenyuk says.
“The growing international
popularity of Shiyes is a signal that is good for the participants but bad for
Moscow. The protest is becoming a long-term social phenomenon, the first in
present-day Russia for the last 20 years.” And because it has lasted so long
already – more than a year – it has given rise to its own legends, songs, and
symbols.
The Shiyes protesters now even have
their own informal hymn, one based on words written by a former local school
teacher and now a pensioner, Valentina Shchegodeva. Its refrain is that “Our authorities
have betrayed us. Let us stand up together against Moscow!”
All this reflects an important
reality, Krivenyuk argues. In Shiyes and the North, “unlike in almost all the
central regions of the country, there is an established civil society. Here
people themselves are restoring their ruined churches, reviving traditions,
teaching their children, and living in an active way.”
Until Shiyes, this activity as
mostly displayed in educational and cultural ways. But now the North is getting
involved in politics, an area where its differences with Moscow are legion. “Moscow’s
policies over the course of all these decades have been directed at the destruction
of life in this enormous region.” And now Northerners are fighting back.
They “do not intend to curl up” and
die. Reflecting their entrepreneurial spirit
and relatively good incomes, “they are demanding from the state infrastructure
and at least a minimum attention to the preservation of life there in ways they
consider necessary.” There has been some improvement recently, but that has sparked
a revolution of rising expectations.
The center’s plan for a dump where
Moscow’s trash could be sent was the last straw for many in the region, Krivenyuk
says. The North has now awoken and it
won’t soon go back to sleep. “Conflict is becoming part of the social and
cultural identity of the local population,” something that seriously threatens
the center.
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