Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 30 – While Russians
and the world are focused on dealing with the coronavirus pandemic, Yury
Felshtinsky says, Vladimir Putin is quite likely preparing for a new war, given
that war be it against the Chechens, Georgians and Ukrainians has been how he
has built and maintained his popularity and power.
The US-based Russian commentator, widely
known as the co-author with the late Aleksandr Litvinenko of Blowing Up
Russia (2002), says that this history suggests that Putin will once again
use military conflict to shore up his power and at the very least what he will
do after the virus passes won’t be “anything good” (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5E81CD421F170).
Despite the coronavirus and the
economic crisis in its wake, Felshtinsky says, Putin is in a stronger position
to launch an attack on the West than he was at least in the short term because all
other governments are focused on dealing with their own problems rather than on
the threat he presents. Putin for them is simply an inevitable “part of the furniture.”
It must be recognized, he continues,
that Putin has “only a single measure” of success: the amount of territory he
can seize. “In this sense, he is no different than Stalin or Hitler. Therefore,
I would not consider his active measures against the West unsuccessful” as some
are inclined to do.
Some have been “very successful –
Crimean, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia – some less so – the Donbass, the series
of killings and poisonings, and the not always clear backing of right-wing forces
in Europe and the US. But since no punishment
has followed his crimes, one can consider that even failed operations in fact
have also been very successful.”
“Putin’s strategic tasks are to hold
power in the interests of the Lubyanka corporation, a task he has already
achieved, and the seizure of territory. He doesn’t have any other tasks.” All
the things that people point do such as dividing the EU or destroying NATO are
only part of this larger one.
The Kremlin leader’s ideal world is “a
Fifth International (with Putin at the head) in which all European states will
be included and all their presidents and prime ministers will be Putin’s
agents,” Felshtinsky says, most of whom can be “recruited” by corrupt measures
like making them directors of Kremlin-controlled companies.
To
the extent Putin is planning another invasion, he will act “either now while
everyone is occupied with the coronavirus or put off the war until 2021 or
later in the hopes Trump will be re-elected. Time is working against him in the
sense that he will not live forever.” And so he will be more inclined to act
sooner, particularly if there are obvious risks on the horizon.
But
Putin’s new aggression while it may save him won’t save the Russian Empire.
Instead, it will hasten its end, Felshtinsky argues. Putin can continue to harm the West with
impunity, but his own ego and vision requires him to move beyond that to
achieve the territorial aggrandizement he views as the only mark of success.
That
makes the current period especially dangerous, particularly since most people in
the West assume that Putin is concerned as they are with fighting the
coronavirus. That isn’t the case: the pandemic has not changed his goals.
Indeed, there is an all too real possibility that it may open yet another path
for him to try to achieve them.
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