Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 27 – The Chuvash, a
Christian Turkic nation in the Middle Volga, seldom receive much attention
despite their possibilities as a bridge between the Muslim and Orthodox
Christian worlds. The reason, Atner Khuzangay says on the 100th anniversary
of the creation of the Chuvash autonomous oblast, is that they have been “a
people of missed opportunities.”
The literary critic who is also
honorary president of the Chuvash National Congress says the Chuvash have done
so because they have only occasionally focused on political power and urban
centers, preferring instead to base themselves in their culture and in their
rural life (idelreal.org/a/30686130.html).
The problem of the Chuvash in this
regard is that it is not clear that any people can long prosper if it ignores
politics and it is becoming ever more clear that the rural base of the Chuvash
may not survive long into the future, putting the life of the nation and its
language at risk, Khuzangay continues.
The Chuvash did not build on the
possibilities presented by the korenizatiya (“rooting”) campaign of the
early Soviet period, and they did not mobilize to secure plans for “a Greater
Chuvashia” with its capital at Simbirsk (Ulyanovsk) rather than seeing themselves
confined to the current borders and their capital growing out of a village.
Instead, and reflecting their
history, the critic says, “the Chuvash never needed power. They stood aside
from it and tried to remain as distant from it as possible.” And they also
stayed isolated from other Turkic languages and groups. For them, what mattered
was their language and culture.
There have been exceptions, but they
at most prove the rule. However, under current conditions, what the Chuvash
value most is no longer entirely possible. If they want to be isolated from the
state, the state is not prepared to let them be and has moved against both
their language and their traditional culture.
In the years before the 1917
revolution, there were “passionate” Chuvash in Lev Gumilyev’s terms, but today
they lack that and instead seek compromises with those in power and repeated
demonstrations of their loyalty to the powers that be, approaches that work against
them.
One measure of the depth of the current
problem is that when Khuzangay is asked to name the contemporary book about the
Chuvash, he does not point to one written by a Chuvash author but rather to
Andreas Kappeler’s 2016 study, The Chuvash: A People in the Shadows of
History (in German, Vienna), that captures the nation’s situation.
Asked about the future, the critic
says that he thinks the Chuvash will keep their autonomy “if there do not occur
some social-political cataclysms” and that “the Chuvash people in any case will
exist longer regardless of whether the forms of statehood change,” an attitude
that could save them but inevitably puts them at risk.
Khuzengay’s pessimism is more widely
shared among the Chuvash than is commonly assumed. And it sometimes reaches
truly disturbing dimensions. While the self-immolation of Udmurt scholar Albert
Razin is better known (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/09/udmurt-scholars-self-immolation.html),
waves of this phenomenon have hit Chuvashia.
Only when Chuvash have chosen to
kill themselves this way not in their native land but in Moscow, as happened
seven years ago, have many taken note of the fact that this kind of suicide not
only is not uncommon among them but even has its own distinctive name (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2013/02/window-on-eurasia-desperation-behind.html).
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