Paul Goble
Staunton,
December 13 – Many have asked “who is Mr. Putin?” but the answer is complicated
by the fact that there are at least two Putins, the one many people imagine him
to be and the one he really is, and that the longer he remains in power, the
greater the gap between the two is becoming, according to Aleksey Shaburov.
The chief
editor of the PolitSovet portal argues that the Kremlin leader “as a media face
hardly corresponds with the real human being named Vladimir Putin,” something
that is hardly a secret but that has serious consequences for assessing how
Russians and others view him (politsovet.ru/53962-voobrazhaemyy-putin.html).
Putin
has been in office so long that “in the minds of Russians their own ‘imagined
Putin’ has appeared, a certain higher being who is always right. This ‘imagined Putin’ can be anything people
like. And the main thing,” Shaburov suggests, is that the ability of Russians
to read into him what they want means that “he can be almost immortal.”
A
few days ago, the portal editor says, he accidently acquired a recent copy of a
newspaper put out by the National-Liberation Movement of Russia, the NOD which
advances he theory that Russia has been “occupied” by America and that Putin
must be given “extraordinary powers” to reverse this situation.
There
is no reason to read such a paper, Shaburov continues, or to be surprised that
a picture of Vladimir Putin is featured on its cover: NOD “always was for Putin”
given that its leaders believe that he is almost “the unique fighter” against
the Americans and their occupation of Russia.
Nor
is it surprising that the paper should put under Putin’s picture a quotation
from the Russian president. But a close
reading of that quotation reveals that it contains words that the Kremlin
leader never uttered. Instead, they were words from a Regnum commentator about
a Putin speech in 2014. (See regnum.ru/news/polit/1860310.html.)
“Of course,” one can make fun of
Russian propaganda which is so much involved with the production of fakes that “it
has already begun to put out fake speeches of Putin. But, Shaburov says, “this
is a kind of propagandistic record which it will be extremely difficult to
exceed.”
However, he continues, “if one
reflects more deeply about this, one understands that we are dealing with a
special political-psychological phenomenon, ‘the imagined Putin,’” a phenomenon
in which Putin in the imaginations of NOD “not only could but must have said
precisely this phrase.”
That is because for them, “Putin
always says what they want and therefore is always right -- as are they.”
But “’an imagined Putin’ lives not
only in the heads of marginal types like the NOD,” Shaburov says. He or it exists
in the heads of opposition political parties like Just Russia which during the recent
Duma electoral campaign promised to “tell Putin the truth” with the implicit
suggestion that he would listen to them.
“The real President Putin has
devoted a great deal of effort in order to give rise to his imagined double. He
has for a long time already tried to be … the final arbiter in all arguments
and conflicts.” The real Putin can intervene quite successfully as shown in the
recent case where his comments led a court to reverse itself.
“In these conditions,” however, “when
Putin has become the supreme bearer of truth, there is an enormous temptation
to use him as the main argument in any ideological dispute,” and that is where
the imagination of others comes into play.
Each “forms an image of Putin which shares the very same ideology” as
those making the argument.
For NOD, that means that Putin must “hate
the West and America and be ready to fight for Russia.” It is of course fine if people can find “a
precise citation which confirms this. But if there isn’t one, then any will do
because [such people] know for sure that Putin thinks just the way they do.”
And if such people are confronted
with an actual Putin remark that appears to contradict what they believe to be
true, that is no problem, Shaburov says. They simply ascribe to him incredible
cleverness and saying one thing in order to conceal “what in fact we know that
he has in mind” because it is exactly what “we do.”
“By the way,” the editor argues, the
Putin people imagine “is not always a hurrah patriot. Sometimes he is even a
bit of a liberal.” Thus, in the current controversy over the Yeltsin Center in
Yekaterinburg, some have suggested that Putin can’t really be against the
center because his administration is a member of its advisory council.
“The longer the real Putin is in
power, the more imagined he will be in the minds of Russians,” Shaburov
concludes. One might even write “a fantasy novel in which the real Putin would
no longer exist but his imagined image would continue to rule Russia.” Or perhaps such a novel is not as fantastic as
all that.
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