Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 15 – Prior to
Vladimir Putin’s rise to power, “an absolute majority of Russians (about 60
percent) felt that Russia had lost its status as ‘a great power,’” Lev Gudkov
says; but thanks to his aggressive policies and confrontation with the West, now
a similar majority (64 percent) believe that Russia has regained its former
status.
But this sense reflects not a belief
that Russia has all the aspects Russians historically associate with that role –
including a high standard of living– but rather reflects a restoration of the
Soviet focus on military power and especially Moscow’s nuclear arsenal, the
Levada Center sociologist says (nv.ua/opinion/gudkov/rossijane-i-ih-velikaja-derzhava-326836.html).
This
military-centric view has resulted in “a contradictory picture,” the
sociologist continues, because both at the end of the 1990s and now, majorities
of Russians identified a high standard of living and industrial potential as
characteristics of great power status, features that are not typical of Russia
today.
But
by focusing attention on military power as a result of aggressive actions and
confrontation with the outside world via an enormous propaganda effort, Putin
has “sharply increased the significant of military power and nuclear weapons”
as markers of great power status for Russians and reduced the significance of
the other factors.
Evidence
of this is to be found in a comparison of two polls. In March 1999, only 30
percent of Russians said that military strength was a chief characteristic of a
great power; in a poll taken last month, 64 percent agree with that idea, a
shift that represents a return to the Soviet understanding.
What
is especially troubling, Gudkov suggests, is that today, “culture and the
respect of other countries plays a secondary role” in Russian thinking about
what it takes to be a great power, “not to speak of political rights and
freedoms.”
But
even more frightening is the implicit conclusion the Levada Center offers. If
Russians only believe that their country is a great power on the basis of its
possession and display of military force, the Kremlin leader faces potentially
serious problems if he shifts away from that force.
Indeed,
without continuing use of force or the threat of doing so, according to the
logic Gudkov offers, Russians are again likely to conclude that they are not a
great power once again. That effectively
limits Putin’s options and makes it more likely than not that he will continue
his aggressive stance in the future.
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