Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 7- Chechen leader
Ramzan Kadyrov has demanded and Makhachkala has agreed that the border talks
between the two republics will take place in secret behind closed doors, an
arrangement the two republic governments apparently feel is necessary if any
progress is to be made.
But the experience of the September26
border accord Kadyrov achieved with Ingushetia’s Yunus-Bek Yevkurov in the same
way has sparked fears among some Daghestanis that their government is about to
sell out to Chechnya, even though some experts say there is no possibility of
that happening (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/331359/).
Independent journalists at Makhachkala’s
Chernovik weekly denounced the
decision of their republic government to agree to Kadyrov’s demand for secrecy,
a demand that includes not only the proposed adjustments in the border but also
the names of the members of the delegations who are conducting the negotiations.
It is known, Chernovik reports, that no opposition figures or ethnic activists
are among the members, yet another reason for concern because they could be
counted on to defend their constituencies while those in the republic bureaucracy
will most certainly do exactly what they are told, even if it is not in
Chechnya’s interest.
Other independent Daghestani
journalists agree. For example, Gadzhimurad Sagitov, the editor of Novoye delo, said that it raises questions
that no one in the public knows who is doing the negotiating and what the negotiations
are focusing on. Everything may prove to
be fine, but this secrecy in itself raises suspicions that it won’t be.
But Moscow scholars and experts say
that Daghestani suspicions are misplaced because Daghestan’s leader Vladimir
Vasiliyev outranks Kadyrov and that the Chechen leader will not be able to
achieve any serious breakthrough unless Moscow agrees, something they say in
the current environment is unlikely.
Akhmet Yarlykapov, a specialist on
the North Caucasus at MGIMO, says that Moscow “stands between” Kadyrov and
Vasiliyev and that the lack of information about talks reflects less Kadyrov’s
desire than Moscow’s insistence that all border negotiations take place “quietly”
given what happened in Ingushetia.
He further points out that Vasiliyev
won’t have to make any concessions on his own unless Moscow orders them: He is
a colonel general of the militia and Kadyrov is only a major general; and the Daghestan
republic leader can thus insist on his rights. Moscow could overrule him but
that seems unlikely, Yarlukapov says.
Aleksey Malashenko, a specialist on
Islam and the Caucasus at the Moscow Institute for Civilizational Dialogue,
agrees. Only if Moscow agrees with
Kadyrov can he triumph over Vasiliyev.
The arguments of the two Moscow
scholars are persuasive, but to the extent they are right, if a decision is
made in Kadyrov’s favor on the border, Daghestanis will thus be compelled to
conclude that Moscow, not Grozny, is their problem. And that may create a far
more explosive problem than even the suspicions about secrecy they have now do.
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