Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 7 – People in many
countries often vote against someone rather than for him or her by casting
their ballots for those they dislike less. That phenomenon has now come to
Russia, Abbas Gallyamov argues, where popular attitudes toward opposition
figures are helping Vladimir Putin to consolidate his support.
On the one hand, this means that
much of Putin’s reported support may be negative: people support him because
they don’t like the opposition. But on the other, it is a resource for the
Kremlin leader that is often ignored despite the fact that it helps him win his
electoral majorities, the political analyst and former Putin speech writer
says.
Gallyamov says that popular reaction
to Aleksey Navalny is one indication of this.
The opposition leader has been making the same charges for so long and
the lives of Russians have not gotten better that many voters see him as part
of the political order and not an agent for change. Thus, they decide to stick
with Putin (echo.msk.ru/blog/gallyamov_a/2421747-echo/).
“In general,” the
analyst says, “one cannot be a key political player and remain at the same time
an outsider. After one or two campaigns into the role of the latter, you either
pass from the scene or begin to be transformed into a ‘systemic’ politician.” And that changes how people assess you and
gives advantages to the incumbent.
The radicalism of the declarations
of many opposition figures, Gallyamov continues, adds to this. Many Russians
who would like to see real change instead see in the current constellation of
opposition figures people who raise the specter of revolt and disintegration, things
they don’t want. And so they continue to vote for Putin, even if with less enthusiasm.
“Until the opposition recognizes
this,” he says, “it with one hand will be taking votes from Putin and with the
other giving him votes.”
A major reason for this failure on the
part of the Russian opposition, Gallyamov argues, is that its members have no
confidence that they can ever win an election. And so they behave in radical
ways that make this a self-fulfilling prophecy. If they actually sought to win
by appealing to voters on issues of concern to them, the opposition would have
a better chance than it thinks.
Such “’breakthrough’” elections in
which the opposition defeats the incumbent even in authoritarian regimes are
not as rare as all that. They’ve even happened in Russia, in 1989 and close in
2011 when the regime despite all its powers could not orchestrate a victory for
United Russia.
“The possibilities for authoritarian
powers to secure the necessary result in fact are strongly exaggerated,” Gullyamov
says. One can beat them. But to do so, one must talk less about revolutions
which people don’t want and will vote against than about specific changes that
will win over those who otherwise will continue to vote for Putin.
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