Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 19 – Moscow has no
choice but to provide assistance to citizens, business and the regions, Natalya
Zubarevich says. If it doesn’t, it will face “political risks that it hasn’t
known since the 1990s.” But sadly, the government doesn’t understand that the
country is not what it was, that smaller service industries are more important
now than industrial giants.
Thus, there is no guarantee it will direct
such funding as it may be willing to provide in the correct way, the regional
economist at Moscow State University says, and, by so doing, in fact make its
economic and political problems worse not better (znak.com/2020-04-20/ekonomist_natalya_zubarevich_kak_rossiyskim_regionam_spravlyatsya_s_krizisom_iz_za_nefti_i_pandemii).
Recognizing
these changes is as important as recognizing that the economic situation in
Russia is one that can be described as “a perfect storm.” It is not only about
the pandemic and the resulting quarantine, but it also involves the decline in the
price of oil and the fact that Russia has not yet escaped the crisis which
began in December 2014.
Unless
Moscow gets this right, Zubarevich says, incomes will fall, unemployment will
rise, and the ratings of those in power will decline. Preventing that requires understanding that
what will help giant businesses won’t help small ones and that it is the
smaller ones and the impoverished regions that must be saved if the ratings of the
regime are to be as well.
The
government says that it wants to help, and that is the first hurdle that had to
be overcome, the regional economist says. But “the main challenge today is to
take serious decisions rapidly, but the organization of decision making and
execution is such that the authorities aren’t able to do that.
Instead,
they jump from one thing to another, often completely forgetting what they did
the day before and trying something else. Sometimes this is justified as in the
case of forgetting about the referendum on the constitutional amendments, but
often it simply adds to confusion and decline.
But
there is another factor at work, a factor from below, that Moscow needs to take
into consideration, Zubarevich says. In contrast to past crises, Russians are following
what others are doing not only inside Russia but also abroad. The regions are
watching not only what Sobyanin is doing in Moscow but what other countries
are.
And
they are asking “why can’t the same thing be done here?” This is creating “very
strong pressure ‘from below,’” and that is something the governmental
bureaucracy and the powers need to learn to take into consideration if they are
to save the economy and save their own ratings.
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