Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 18 – Seventy-six years
ago today, Stalin ordered the deportation of the Crimean Tatars from their
homelands to the wilds of Central Asia, an act of genocide that they, their
survivors and people of good will around the world pledge every year must never
be allowed to happen again.
But in making that commitment, all
too many of them forget that there are many ways to destroy a nation. Mass
murder and deportations are only the most dramatic, and simultaneously the
least effective not only because they attract attention but because they mobilize
people to oppose such crimes.
Other more insidious ways of
destroying a nation, of engaging in genocide, are available. The homeland of a
people may be flooded with outsiders to dilute and then smother its national
culture and language. Occupiers may use carrot and stick approaches to lead
members of a nation to give up.
And in taking these less dramatic
actions, those who engage in them and those who are their victims will get less
attention, allowing the victimizers to get away with a slow-motion genocide
knowing they won’t be criticized and the victimized will not receive the
consistent support they deserve.
That is the sad fate of the Crimean
Tatars on this anniversary, Mustafa Dzhemilyev, the leader of that nation
says. He argues that what is happening
now is a repetition “in a somewhat distorted form of what happened in 1944” (obozrevatel.com/society/v-kryimu-proishodit-retsidiv-sobyitij-1944-goda-genotsid-kryimskotatarskogo-naroda-dzhemilev.htm).
The Russian occupiers of the
homeland of the Crimean Tatars are not loading people into cattle cars as they
did in Stalin’s time. “But they are creating conditions so that the Crimean
Tatars will leave Crimea” both by bringing in Russian citizens and by repressing
the Crimean Tatars who are still there.
After he annexed Crimea, Vladimir
Putin had a Russian law passed “about the so-called rehabilitation of the
peoples of the Crimea; but everything has moved in exactly the opposite
direction” with Russification of the peninsula and the people there proceeding
in a rapid and systematic way, Dzhemilyev says.
Indeed, the national leader continues,
“the anti-Crimean Tatar psychosis at the highest levels [in Moscow] is much
stronger than was the case during Soviet power.” Tragically, the Crimean Tatars,
having succeeded in returning to their homeland, are now once again being forced
to leave it. Thirty thousand or 10 percent of all of them have already left.
More are likely to because those who
remain in Crimea “are being subject to persecutions just like under Soviet
power,” he says. “Earlier, on May 18, we
assembled at meetings in squares; now, this is prohibited, and we can only lay flowers
at monuments to the victims and do that only under the control of the powers
that be.” Anything else will lead to arrests.
Some keep track of the searches and
arrests the Russian occupiers are inflicting on the Crimean Tatars, Dzhemilyev
says; but what is more serious is “the total control over behavior and the
thoughts of people.” The Internet is
blocked, telephones are tapped, and online mail is monitored. Mere posting of a
“like” on something the powers don’t can get one in trouble.
Russian occupiers monitor what goes
on in the mosques, and they treat any Muslim meeting outside of it as a
criminal activity. And they torture those they arrest: “I do not know of a
single case when a detained Crimean Tatar is not being beaten,” the Crimean
Tatar national leader continues.
Many governments properly called the
1944 deportation a crime against humanity and even an act of genocide, but
today, few view what is going on now as the same thing, albeit in slow motion.
The current Ukrainian government doesn’t treat this issue as being of primary
concern or at a minimum doesn’t give it the attention it did. The same is true
of others.
For justice to be restored and
Crimea returned to its people, the international community must keep up the
pressure, Dzhemilyev says. Vladimir Putin may
never take that action because he won so much domestic support for the
Anschluss, but “I think,” he continues, “that the next president of Russia will
be much smarter than Putin.”
He or she will understand that it is
not in the interests of Russia to remain isolated because of its violation of
international law. For that to occur, sanctions must be increased rather than
reduced. Already Russians are seeing that their earlier enthusiasm for the
annexation was misplaced and that they would have been better off if it had
never happened.
“Unfortunately, there are forces in the
West who think that the longer Crimea will remain in Russian hands, the better
because the peninsula will weaken this aggressive land. But for us, that is catastrophic
since each day of occupation represents an enormous loss for our people,”
Dzhemilyev points out. We are interested in the most rapid end to occupation
possible.
The 1944 deportation was an act of
genocide but so too is what is going on now when the Russian occupiers are
shifting the ethnic balance of the peninsula and poisoning the consciousness of
Crimean Tatar children, militarizing their environment, and Russifying them
even more than did Stalin.
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