Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 3 – The Memorial
Human Rights Center reports that the number of political prisoners in Russia
has more than doubled since 2018, rising from 130 to 314; and both it and
Amnesty International report that, as a result of rising protest activity in
the North Caucasus, that region is the place from which an increasing fraction
of them come.
Political prisoners from Moscow or
St. Petersburg almost inevitably attract more attention because of the presence
of journalists and diplomats, but the shifting geography of where political
prisoners come from suggests that those concerned about human rights should be focusing
far more on the North Caucasus than most have up to now.
According to a 174-page Memorial
report, Political Repressions and Political Prisoners in Russia in 2018-2019
(in Russian at memohrc.org/sites/all/themes/memo/templates/pdf.php?pdf=/sites/default/files/doklad_2018-2019_0.pdf), there have
been more political prisoners from the North Caucasus because there has been
more activism there and because officials feel they can get away with more than
in Moscow.
The Russian government’s efforts to
suppress the Ingush national movement and its repressions against journalists
and Jehovah’s Witnesses has accounted for many of the new political prisoners
from that region. There likely would be
even more on the list if there weren’t so many problems with counting Salafi
Muslims who are also being targeted.
The report says that many of these
are charged with terrorism, something that makes it difficult to include them
as political prisoners, are attacked via extra-judicial measures rather than
through the courts, and often deny that they are acting on the basis of their
religious convictions (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/350366/).
Three other rights activists, Valery
Borshchev, Natalya Pridutskaya, and Natalya Zvyagina, also have commented on
this increasing “North Caucasus-ization” of the list of political prisoners in
the Russian Federation, noting as does Memorial, that getting information about
them is often very difficult (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/350450/).
Borshchev, an activist with the
Moscow Helsinki Group, says that popular activism and official repression in
the North Caucasus reflects some all-Russian trends but also has its own
specific features. Ingushetia shows a degree of unity in opposing the regime
which is not characteristic of other regions.
Prilutskaya of Amnesty International
agrees. She suggests that the Ingush “case”
is a logical development of the Moscow protests of 2011-2012. She adds that the arrests of Jehovah’s
Witnesses and Salafi Muslims has boosted the numbers of political prisoners
from the region.
“In recent years,” she says, “residents
of the North Caucasus have begun to show greater political and civic activity
which inevitably leads to criminal prosecution.” Most of this activism is non-violent,
but the authorities have responded as if every such move by the population was
a threat that must be countered.
And her Amnesty colleague Zvyagina points
that that “there have not been major protests on regional political issues
anywhere except in Moscow besides the North Caucasus.” Because that is so, it
is completely understandable under the current regime why there are now more
political prisoners from that region.
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