Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 5 – The Kremlin
views all Russians who take their religions seriously rather than simply observing
public rites inside a religious facility as a threat to the regime and, despite
its self-proclaimed religiosity, is moving to drive the practice of religion in
Russia back into Soviet-era limits, despite its own ostensible religiosity,
Roman Lunkin says.
The Russian specialist on Orthodoxy
and other religions who is also deputy director of the Institute of Europe of the
Academy of Sciences says that the bureaucratic state does not want any
collective action by religious groups of any kind to occur lest it be an
alternative to the state (ng.ru/ng_religii/2020-08-04/9_491_religion.html).
The Putin regime has now introduced
new legislation designed to reduce religious life to the individual choice and
action, Lunkin notes, by banning any religious activity outside religious
facilities unless it has the written permission of clergy or other religious
leaders, thus extending the Yavoraya “package” of discriminatory legislation
still further.
Since that set of laws was adopted,
the religious affairs specialist says, the state has brought about 2,000 cases
against religious individuals and their leaders and fined them a total of “more
than 10 million rubles” (130,000 US dollars), an enormous amount for often poor
Russians and impoverished religious groups.
The proposed legislation will
tighten state controls over religious activity still further. It will require
all groups to report to the government every year, exclude from leadership of
any religious body of anyone who has been adjudged a terrorist or extremist, and
broaden the definition of religious group to informal meetings in homes.
That will mean that the state will
have the legal right to do what many Russian siloviki have already been doing
and break into such meetings and bring charges against their participants,
something that up to now has been illegal even though it has become an ever
more frequent event.
In documentation accompanying the draft
law, the Russian government says that it has information about 560 religious
groups which have not bothered to inform the state of their existence and 800
other groups that don’t identify themselves as groups at all, an indication of
just how sweeping the impact of the new measure could be.
Particularly worrisome, Lunkin
suggests, are provisions in the draft law which make religious training
institutions on Russian territory part of the Russian state education system
and which require all religious leaders trained abroad to be recertified by
these institutions before they can work in the Russian Federation.
That too will provide legal cover to
what the Russian authorities have already been doing in recent months when they
have shuttered religious training schools attached to the Lutherans, Baptists,
Pentecostals, Evangelicals and Muslims, despite the fact that many of these schools
had the reputation of operating according to the highest standards.
All of this is not going to achieve
what the Russian government wants. It will not reduce the religious practice of
most to what it was in Soviet times but rather increase the alienation of
believers from the regime and drive at least some of them into the catacombs
much as happened under the communists, Lunkin concludes.
Over the last decade, the Russian
government has been repressing various religious minorities including Muslim
groups, Baptists, Seventh Day Adventists, Pentecostals, Krishnaites,
Scientologists, traditional religions including those led by Shamans, and
fundamentalist Orthodox groups.
But the group subject to the greatest
repression has been the Jehovah’s Witnesses, whose treatment by the Putin
regime, religious affairs experts say, is “unprecedented” in its sweep and
violation of the constitutional rights of believers (russian.eurasianet.org/россия-чем-объясняются-и-к-чему-приведут-гонения-на-свидетелей-иеговы).
Since the denomination’s ban by
Russian courts three years ago, dozens of Jehovah’s Witnesses have landed
behind bars and thousands have chosen to emigrate. And Russian journalist Ivan Aleksandrov (the
name is a pseudonym) says that “tens of thousands remain under threat.”
These are enormous numbers,
Aleksandr Verhovsky of the SOVA Information-Analytic Center says; and consequently,
they reflect not simply pressure but a government campaign to eliminate the
denomination entirely.
Prior to the ban, there were between
100,000 and 300,000 Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia (iz.ru/news/610157 and kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/300617/). While there have been members of this group in
Russia for more than a century, the Jehovah’s Witnesses rapidly expanded in
number after 1991 when they could operate legally.
The authorities object to many
aspects of the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ beliefs and activities: their opposition to
the draft and blood transfusion, their foreign ties, and their missionary
activity, to name only a few. But,
Aleksandrov says, the authorities object most of all to the commitment of the Jehovah’s
Witnesses not to have anything to do with the state.
That is their real crime, in the
eyes of the Kremlin and its supporters, who believe that such a position is
simultaneously impossible – they sometimes argue that the Witnesses are foreign
agents – and unforgiveable – the powers say it represents a direct attack on
the spiritual “bindings” of the Russian state.
Other groups, including some within
Russian Orthodoxy, have similar positions; but none has the complete mix that
the Jehovah’s Witnesses do. And what is most striking, Aleksandrov says, is
that the government’s repressive action shas not led to the radicalization of the
Witnesses or a massive turning away from the faith.
From the point of view of the Russian
authorities, now seen so clearly in the new draft law, their steadfastness is
yet another reason that the Kremlin believes they must be suppressed lest their
example infect others.
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