Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 15 – Russian
commentators have talked openly about dividing up Ukraine and Moldova in order
to support ethnic Russian communities there and weaken these two countries, but
now one Moscow writer has taken such ideas further and called for the dividing
up of Romania in support of Russian national interests in the Balkans.
In a commentary on APN.ru, Dmitry
Rodionov says that the annexation of Crimea and the crisis in Ukraine have refocused
attention on the possibilities of joining Transdniestria, the breakaway region
in Moldova, to the Russian Federation, something he says that must be “decide
in parallel with ‘the Ukrainian question’” (apn.ru/publications/article31572.htm).
If Vladimir Putin’s project for
Novorossiya is realized – and Rodionov says it really doesn’t matter whether it
becomes part of Russia or remains “an allied independent state” – the issue of
the future of Transdniestria solves itself because Russia and that region will
have a common border.
But if Kyiv is able to suppress the
south east, Rodionov continues, “there will arise a wall” between Russia and
Transdniestria” in the form of a hostile state, the actions of which will
exclude any possibility of reunification.”
The Moscow commentator says that the
Transdniestria “question” has existed since the collapse of the USSR, but it
and “the Moldovan question” have become more important in recent months,
sharpening what he says are two very different sets of opinion in the Russian
capital as to how Moscow should proceed.
According to the first of these
positions, Transdniestria is “our ‘Western advance post’ which must never be
surrendered ... According to this logic, the departure of Moldova into the European
Union, whether on its own or as part of Romania, will finally free
Transdniestria and create the basis for its recognition.” Those who hold this
view argue that it will be better if Moldova in that case becomes part of
Romania.
According to the second view, Russia
needs “all of Moldova” as its “advance post” in the West and must ensure that
it is an ally of Russia and a participant in Eurasian integration. If Moldova takes that course, then Moscow
will have to sacrifice the prospects for the independence of Transdniestria.
Debate between those holding these
views has continued for 3 years, and neither side has won out or defined
Russian foreign policy in the region in a consistent way. But with Chisinau
edging toward Europe, those who favor the dismemberment of Moldova appear to be
getting the better part of the argument.
“What should Russia do?” he asks.
Should it continue to focus on Transdniestria (“of course after the solution of
‘the Ukrainian question’”) or should it continue to hold out for all o Moldova,
justly calculating that ‘the terrors of Euro-integration’ in the near future
will bring to a change of regime in Chisinau and an inevitable change of
course?”
Regardless of which course Moscow
chooses, Rodionov continues, it is highly unlikely that Romania will dispense
with its territorial claims on Moldova, and consequently, Moscow needs to think
about what to do with that country, never part of the Soviet Union but part of
the Soviet bloc.
There is a useful historical precedent:
Russia’s interest in the 18th century to create Dacia as “a unified
buffer state” between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Some progress was made in
that direction but “after the defeat of Russia in the Crimean war, the Danubian
provinces become dependencies of the West which in fact realized their
unification.”
Subsequent events led to “the
parallel formation of to political communities – Moldavia (within the Russian
Empire and then the USSR) and Romania, two nations and even two languages,”
Rodionov says. After the end of the
USSR, some Romanians demanded that Moldova be united with Romania.
But “despite the defeat of Russia in
the cold war and it would seem the untying of Romania’s hands, no one decided
to violate ‘the status quo’ which had existed from the times of the USSR.” At the same time, however, there has arisen
in Romania a group of people who define themselves as Moldovans and view Romania
as “an artificial unity.”
Rodionov concludes by noting that it
is “now fashionable” to engage in all sort of “political futurology” and to engage
in fantasies on geopolitical themes. But
as events in Ukraine have shown, “one can expect the most improbable
geopolitical outcomes –after all, who even a few months ago could have imagined
that Crimea would become part of Russia?”
Given the speed of events, he asks, “why
shouldn’t Russia return” to the ideas of three centuries ago and push for the
creation of Dacia as a buffer state, especially since Turkey, while weaker on its
own, is in fact an advance post of the West?
“At one time, the West cut out
Romania as a buffer between itself and Russia. We also need a buffer in this
very same place, and we raised this idea even earlier than did the West. Is it not time to repartition Romania? Again,
of course, after the repartition of Ukraine?”
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