Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 11 – For the past
15 years, Cossacks and Russian nationalists in Tyumen have regularly proposed
erecting a statue to Yermak, the Cossack who conquered the region four
centuries ago. And each time, Siberian Tatars, for whom such a statue is “like
a red flag for a bull,” have fought it vigorously, according to URA.ru’s
Nikolay Bastrikov.
Now, the issue has been raised again
in a way that exacerbates the divide between the indigenous Siberian Tatars, on
the one hand, and the ethnic Russians and Cossacks, on the other, and reflects
very specific calculations by both about the outcome of the next elections, a
reminder of the ways in which ethnicity and elections are linked (ura.ru/articles/1036266029).
This time around, Bastrikov reports,
the idea of erecting a statue to Ataman Yermak was offered by Albina Selezneva,
a United Russia deputy in the Tyumen Duma.
She said she was simply putting forward the ideas of others, “but many
in the city are certain” she did it in order to win votes from among the local
Cossacks.”
Three things might seem to make her
timing especially propitious: next year, Tyumen celebrates its 430th
anniversary, also next year, Russia will mark the 435th anniversary
of Yermak’s campaign, and already now, Russians are celebrating the annexation
of Crimea, thus opening the way for talk and celebration of other annexations.
But not everyone sees the situation
that way. Dinar Abukin, a KPRF deputy in the Tyumen Duma and the head of the city’s
Siberian Tatar autonomy, spoke out for those opposed. “Any historical monument should bring joy and
not a divide in society,” he said. A statue of Yermak would do the latter
rather than the former.
Moreover, he pointed out, “we have
so many social and economic problems that this is hardly the time to be talking
about a monument to Yermak. Moreover, the indigenous people – the Siberian
Tatars – on the whole view Yermak as a robber and invader,” and in no way as a
glorious conqueror.
Abukin said that Seleneva’s proposal
was all about her effort to win votes by currying favor with the Cossacks. But he suggested that such a proposal would
not have that effect but would backfire by mobilizing the Siberian Tatars
against such a monument and ensuring that they would vote for anyone but her
and those supporting her.
Other Siberian Tatars took an even
harder line. Maksim Sagidullin, a specialist on Siberian Tatar ethnicity, said
that “in our national tradition, Yermak is a negative figure. This is our
motherland. We do not want [such a statue].
Don’t offend us and try to show your superiority. If need be, we will
organize a meeting.”
He said that the Siberian Tatar
autonomy had “already sent” a complaint to the city’s administration about this
and that the authorities promise to create a commission “which will consider
all opinions.” But so far, Sagidullin added, “there is not a single Siberian
Tatar” in it and things will not go well unless there is.
Meanwhile, other Russian officials
distanced themselves from Selezneva. The city duma’s nationality affairs
committee said it hadn’t approved the idea, and URA.ru sources in the city
administration indicated that they weren’t interested in sparking the kind of
conflicts that the erection of a statue would ignite.
One official speaking on conditions
of anonymity said that were a Yermak statue to go up, his opponents would destroy
it “on the very first night.”
Faced with this opposition,
Selezneva responded with what she clearly believes is her trump card: How can
anyone not celebrate the absorption of Siberia into the Russian state just as
Russians now celebrate the absorption of Crimea? And she said the statue would
attract more foreign visitors to the city: Last year, she noted, 52 people came
to Tyumen from abroad.
The Siberian Tatars are interesting in
and of themselves. On the one hand, there are only about 8,000 indigenous
Siberian Tatars, making them a relatively small nationality even in that
region. But on the other, there are some
500,000 Kazan Tatars who now live in Siberia, the result of Soviet penal and
social policies, and many of them line up with the Siberian Tatars.
And that in turn means that what may
seem to be a tempest in the teapot of Tyumen city politics could easily spread
across a far larger territory, with many of the Tatars of the Russian
Federation also objecting not only to Russian conquests of four centuries ago
but also to more recent ones.
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