Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 12 – A new sociological
study of the field commanders in the Donbas says that most are middle-aged
males with diplomas from second-tier higher educational institutions, mid-range
incomes who have been working in jobs for which they were not prepared and did
not aspire.
What makes that finding important,
the authors of the study say, is that there are a large number of people who
fit that profile across the post-Soviet region, a pattern that makes the
emergence of more such regional violence more rather than less likely almost regardless
of what the governments of states there do.
Indeed, the characteristics of these
people and their number recall the individuals and groups who formed the
Freikorps among defeated German forces following the end of World War I, people
who posed a serious threat to the political and social stability of many of the
countries that emerged at that time.
The detailed, 17-page survey of the field
commanders by sociologists A.N. Shcherbak, M.O. Komin and M.A. Sokolov is
published in the current issue of the journal “Politeia” (politeia.ru/content/pdf/Scherbak_Komin_Sokolov_Politeia-2016-1%2880%29.pdf)
and is summarized by the Tolkovatel portal (http://ttolk.ru/?p=26590).
The three sociologists examined the
biographies of 57 field commanders, about half of whom were on the Russian side
and about half on the Ukrainian one.
Their study highlights their age, education, employment history, and
political activity prior to assuming their command positions.
The average age of the commanders
was 40.6 years, with the youngest being 23 and the oldest 58. There is a statistically
insignificant difference between Russian and Ukrainian commanders. Thirty of the 57 had higher educations, but
only six received them from prestige institutions. Most came from second or
third tier institutions.
About one of four of the commanders
had careers in military or law enforcement, with about one in five having been
entrepreneurs and one in five having been political figures or public activists.
Nearly half had experience in politics, but “none of them were in human rightd,
civic or democratic organizations.”
In reporting this, the Tolkovatel
portal suggests that all this raises a logical question with enormous
consequences for the future of the entire post-Soviet space: “what are the prospects for democratization
if the main moving force of the [post-communist] transformation is not the middle
class but the underprivileged who suffer from poverty, corruption, inequality
and the lack of life chances?”
And as the portal adds, “as a rule,”
such people have remained “outside the field of view of investigators of the
change of regimes” in this region.
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