Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 16 – Vladimir Putin
has always operated on the assumption that regardless of what he does, the West
will eventually overlook it and resume more normal relations with Moscow
because of Russia’s nuclear weapons and geo-political importance and because of
the possibilities the Russian market presents for European and American firms.
And Putin will do so, these sources
say, without making any concessions on Ukraine but rather focus entirely on the
economic prospects of Russia and on reassuring potential foreign investors that
Russia is now very much “open for business” and that Moscow has stabilized the
situation there (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=57625354A2437).
Because he is not subject to the
kind of domestic pressure that leaders of democratic countries are, the Kremlin
leader can simply wait until those leaders decide that they have to show
“progress” in the “key” relationship with Moscow and send their top diplomats
and politicians to Moscow.
And while he waits, Putin can ramp
up the pressure on those leaders by encouraging Western publics that Russia can
play such an important role in so many areas that it is a mistake to focus on
any one area of disagreement and that it offers such economic possibilities
that Western corporations would be foolish not to seek a rapprochement.
Those are powerful arguments in many
Western countries especially on issues which, with the passing of only a short
period of time and with the constant introduction of new issues, some of which
Moscow itself plays a key role in creating, all too many in the West find
persuasive.
But because Putin has violated so
many international norms in Ukraine, his efforts in this direction have not yet
achieved all that he hopes for. Indeed, many in both Russia and the West have
concluded that the Kremlin leader’s moves in Ukraine have been
counter-productive, uniting the West as almost nothing else has since the days
of the cold war.
And these analysts have pointed to
the remarkable success that Ukraine has had in attracting attention and support
from countries that had not provided it with that kind of backing in the
past. The issue is how long this can
last, how long in short Putin can afford to wait and how long the West is
willing to make him.
Key passages from their answers are given
below:
Svitlana Kobzar,
head of the Department of International Affairs at Vesalius
College, Vrije Universiteit Brussel: “No, the West has not forgotten
Ukraine. However, the policy agendas of the EU and the United States are
crowded. ... Without a doubt, these issues distract from the policy focus
needed to help Ukraine succeed. Nevertheless, during such challenging times, it
is worth remembering the successes of the West. The war in Ukraine has
reinvigorated transatlantic ties. So far, despite the shrinking support for
sanctions among some member states, the EU’s united stance on assisting Ukraine
sent a strong message to Russia.
Anna Korbut, deputy chief editor at The Ukrainian Week: “There
is no impression in Ukraine that the West has
forgotten it. Instead, an understanding is developing that the West is not a
homogeneous entity but a group of countries and voices with different
interests, principles, domestic political challenges, and levels of
farsightedness. Ukrainians see the severe challenges the West is facing. There
is also an understanding that the West, for the most part, continues to see
Russia, unlike Ukraine, as a strategically important country—even if not
necessarily in a positive sense. This is the context in which Ukraine has to
act politically and diplomatically, at least for now.
John Kornblum, senior counselor at Noerr LLP: “In one way, yes. Ukraine has
been pushed onto the diplomatic back burner by daunting challenges ranging from
Syria to the self-proclaimed Islamic State to refugees to China. The inability
of the Ukrainian government to put its own house in order also contributes. But
this is not all bad. In the shambles of the era since former president Viktor
Yanukovych, Ukrainians have found a sense of identity that they had not been
able to build during their first quarter century of independence … Much of this
has been helped along by Ukraine’s secret ally. Russian President Vladimir
Putin’s angry, anti-Western rhetoric has awakened many Europeans to realities
they had ignored for decades. It has also begun to shake the Americans out of
their strategic stupor.
Mikhail Minakov,
Kyiv-based professor: As expected, the West has too
much on its plate to be constantly focused on Ukraine. The West may not have
forgotten Ukraine, but it definitely seems distracted … The less attention the
West pays to the East, the greater the risks for peace and democratic progress
in Ukraine and the region.
Gianni Riotta, member of the Council on Foreign Relations: “Yes, because
there are too many other issues. The world no longer cares about Ukraine. The
kleptocracy running Kyiv now has zero sympathy. If sanctions on Russia are still in place, they are to
counter President Vladimir Putin, not to help Kyiv.
James Sherr, associate fellow at Chatham House: “The danger is not that
the West will forget Ukraine but abandon it. Ukraine fatigue is only partly to
blame. The greater culprit is fatigue as such … This situation is as unnecessary as it is
distasteful. Russia’s internal dynamics do not favor a prolonged conflict with
the West. Yet the short-term dynamics favor Russia and those who would cut
deals with it.
Ulrich Speck, senior fellow at the Transatlantic Academy: “There has never
been much interest in Europe and the United States for Ukraine. Since the
country gained independence in 1991, the West has implicitly accepted that
Ukraine is more or less part of the Russian sphere of influence. That the West
sided with Ukraine in the country’s recent conflict with Russia is not the
consequence of a sudden interest in Ukraine as such; rather, it is a reflection
of deep concern about Russia’s ruthless use of military force … Support for
Ukraine is therefore no more than an element of the West’s Russia policy; there
is little genuine interest in helping the country become a more stable liberal
democracy with a market economy. The West has not forgotten Ukraine, it never
thought about Ukraine in the first place.”
Susan Stewart, senior associate in the Eastern Europe and Eurasia Research
Division at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs: “The
problem is not that Ukraine has been forgotten. Rather, the EU’s approach to
the country is eroding … There is also less momentum with regard to support for
Ukraine. The country’s political difficulties and the numerous obstacles to
reform have disappointed many Westerners and led them to question the current
level of support.”
Stephen Szabo. executive director of the Transatlantic Academy: “The West
is clearly suffering from Ukraine fatigue due not only to the slow pace of
reform in Ukraine but also to the other more pressing concerns
the West faces … While it remains important to continue to support Ukraine’s
evolution toward an open society, the possibilities for Western disengagement
will grow … A loss of Western unity and focus on Ukraine will be a disaster for
the security and political order that has been painstakingly constructed since
the collapse of the Soviet Union.”
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